On Writing and Becoming: Operating in a Forever-Morphing Interspace

I realize that this blog contains some doozies [1.]. I’ve debated removing all of these pieces, and only keeping what I feel is indicative of me as a thinker and writer at present; however, this would be a disservice. For many of us who feel the deep-rooted compulsion to write…we write write well, but not great [2.]. And this is alright. For those good-but-not-great writers like myself, we write for ourselves just as much as we write to be read. We don’t give a damn what you think – unless we asked, which in this case signifies that we respect you dearly. After criticism of our writing surfaces, we may feel driven (a.) to quit, or (b.) our skin will develop a titanium-like quality, and we for better-or-worse continue to write, while brushing off the harshest critiques. We’ll continue to write with an audaciousness: we’re willing to follow through with our obsession, whether anyone enjoys – or reads, for that matter – what we’ve written. To reiterate, we write for ourselves…and why not?

I’ve come to find that my quest to become a great writer [3.] is just that: a constant state of becoming, with no end in sight – a forever-morphing interspace. There’s no need to attempt to intertwine these hopes and aspirations that first moved me to begin to write – that is, point “A” – with the final stage – that is, point “B” – whatever that may entail; these two poles instead can feed each other, creating an interspace that works as a process that is never finished. I call this a state of constant becoming, or simply “process.”

A state of constant becoming, or an unfolding interspace, is not only relevant to my thoughts on writing; this idea of becoming has also come to define my politics and ideology. While I certainly have “politics” [4.] and “ideology,” I have abandoned any attempts to be defined by hard, fast dichotomies, or categories that are static. A politics and ideology based on fluidity and creative elasticity is the only that will suffice for me. While I’m comfortable with the label “anarchist,” [5.] I’m also perfectly comfortable with the notion that every idea I have about self-liberation and a free society is completely wrong. Beware of those who have no doubt about their fixed ideas: they’re probably a dogmatist, and you’d do best to avoid their company.

Further, I have no easily-ascertained identify; arguably no one does. I’m at home with Foucault on this front:

“I am no doubt not the only one who writes in order to have no face. Do not ask who I am and do not ask me to remain the same: leave it to our bureaucrats and our police to see that our papers are in order. At least spare us their morality when we write.” [6.]

I feel at home maneuvering in a terrain (i.e., an interspace) of great uncertainty; only a process of becoming can reflect this. Another thinker who articulates this notion of constant becoming-through-writing, or a radical politics that embraces a process of becoming, is Mohamed Jean Veneuse. Veneuse has articulated a vision of “anarcha-Islam,” [7.] which allows an interspace between his interpretations of both anarchism and Islam, in which each informs the other. In a radio interview, Veneuse sounds Foucaudian on the subject:

“…I feel like the Left in general…is in dire need of what is referred to as “mediators,” operating in the middle – not holding onto dogmatic ideas [and] …not holding onto self-righteous ideas…[And] what happens in between us… [is] where we become one another…[We're] becoming something foreign in the most beautiful way.” [8.]

And there you have it. Hopefully we’re all in a perpetual state of “becoming something foreign in the most beautiful way” – whether through our written communication, our politics, or our philosophies. Instead of stagnant, dogmatic stances, our “state of being” is subverted by a constant becoming – an opening space “operating in the middle.” A process. I, for one, am embracing it. And if you don’t like it, or my writing…it’s perfectly alright; it’s a catharsis, and I feel the need to compose these damaged words in my bones – as trite as it sounds. Perhaps it’s more for me than it is for you.

[1.] By “doozies” I mean pieces that I’m not particularly fond or proud of. I’m my harshest critic, as I’m sure many folks who write can relate.

[2.] I certainly identify with this bunch. We’re in a strange, middle interspace; we can write, and we feel a compulsion to do so. Hopefully, as I have come to do, we can openly embrace the fact that we’re not superb writers; yet we’re still driven by our desire and passion to write.

[3.] To be sure and candid, I am trying to become a great writer, though the process is probably more dynamic and interesting and liberating than actually achieving this goal.

[4.] Yes, “politics” is a loaded term; however, I do not run away from it. To me, “politics” is something that happens in the streets; it’s when a group of trade unionists decide to tell their union leadership to “Fuck off!” and have a wildcat strike, or when a masked bandit throws a brick through a corporate window front, or when fed-up oppressed and repressed communities clash with police, or when a group of people make decisions in their community cooperatively without leaders, etc.

[5.] When I say “anarchism,” I’m acknowledging that there are many, many anarchisms. There is no need to treat it like a monolith. Many different anarchist tendencies and individuals can define it differently. I would argue this is what makes anarchisms so appealing.

[6.] M. Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969), publ. Routledge, 1972

[7.] To find work by Veneuse on the subject of anarcha-Islam, check here.

[8.] These quotes are pulled from a radio interview conducted in Montpellier, Vermont in 2007 during the Renewing the Anarchist Tradition (RAT) conference. It’s available on the web here.

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Disablism or Ableism? A Piece by Chris Champman

I wanted to post this piece by Chris Champman, which is available on radical dis/ability activist A.J. Withers’ amazing website “If I Can’t Dance, Is It Still My Revolution?” In my research this is one of the best resources outside the confines of the academy for a radical, critical perspective of dis/ability. In fact, it’s been the only place on the web or in print that has articulated the Radical Model of Disability, in contrast to the Medical Model, the Social Model, and others. This is also the piece that made me think critically about using the term “ableism” to describe the oppression of disabled people, and replace it with the more accurate (in my view) term “disablism.” This piece explains eloquently. Without further ado, I give you Chris Champman:

I used to use the term “ablism” to describe oppression against people who are labeled as disabled and/or the idea that disabled people are not as good as to non-disabled people. Within the past year or so, however, I have begun using the word “disablism” instead. There are a lot of reasons for this, but the primary one is the fact that ableism implies that this oppression is somehow related to ability – which it is not. Disability is a social category and its label is imposed on certain groups of people because of their perceived characteristics as un(der)productive.

Internationally, disablism is the more commonly used term and, it is my understanding, ableism is really used only in North America and Australlia. The reason for this, I believe, is the way the disability rights movement emerged in each country. In the U.K., the emphasis was on the construction of disability and how people were disabled by social barriers. In the U.S. the focus was rights. There are, however, some folks in the United States who do use disablism exclusively or who use them both.

When I began writing and speaking about disability, I used the term ableism; that is what I had been exposed to living in Canada. I didn’t question the term and when, years later, I began to learn about the (British) social model I just thought it was one of those word differences that we have across the pond, like tampon and fanny pack or cigarette and fag. I only began to appreciate the intentional usage of “disablism” in the past few years.

Then, one day, a non-disabled friend of mine was chatting about how someone at her work was being (dis/)ableist. But, she didn’t say that, what she said was “what about ability?” That was when I realized that using ableism makes it really easy for people to equate ablesim with discrimination based on ability. This is a very problematic association. That is why I started using disablism rather than ableism to describe disabled people’s oppression.

Lisa, author of Lizy Babe’s Blog, writes: “If ‘racism’ is discrimination on the grounds of race, surely it is logical that the word for discrimination on the grounds of disability would be ‘disablism’?” She goes on to argue that “‘ableism’ is derived from the medical model of disability – the idea that a disability is something we have, that we are disabled by a lack of ability.”

I also think it is easier for those who use the term ableism to talk about able-bodied people, but this too is very problematic. The opposite of disabled is not able-bodied for a number of reasons. Firstly, “able-bodied” describes a physical state. Many people can be disabled and able-bodied at the same time as there are a number of different aspects of disability, not solely physical disability. What then, within this linguistic logic would you call people who are not psychiatized and don’t have intellectual disabilities? Able-brained? Able-minded? I am offended by my invention of these words and can’t imagine them being used.

Also in the realm of the physical is the fact that able-bodied is adopted from a medical model, as I have already said, disability is not about “the body” of an individual, it is about the social categorization of certain kinds of people.

Lastly, the idea that there are people who are able-bodied and not able-bodied is very troubling. Everyone has an “able body.” Our bodies are what keep us alive, what sustain us – disabled or not. Words like “paralysis” and “disabled” are often used in disablist ways to talk about full stops but this is far from the way disabled people live our lives. If someone becomes disabled, their life continues and their body, while different (and possibly even painful or frustrating) is what allows their life to continue. Chris Chapman writes:

In fact, we could imagine a less ableist account of literal paralysis – perhaps – as being more in line with what Kris describes: if I was to literally lose mobility in my legs today, my life won’t stop, but I’ll be fundamentally changed in enormous ways that I could never anticipate beforehand. It’s only ableism (sic) that situates paralysis as signifying only immobility in every aspect of life.*

We all have able bodies. If we don’t have able bodies we are dead – otherwise our bodies are working, they are able. The opposite of disabled is not able-bodied, it is non-disabled.

Of course, the use of the term dis/Abled also contributes to the idea that disability is about ability. This particular term is used by some very well meaning disabled people and supporters. It is written this way to encourage people to focus on our abilities. However, the problem for disabled people is not a branding issue, it is oppression. The fact that women have proven that they are as smart and capable as men hasn’t changed the reality that women still make roughly 70% of what men make (something that has changed little in several decades). And, to show what women are equally as competent as men, they don’t feel the need to call themselves wo/Men. While dis/Abled often comes from a well intentioned place, it is individualistic and it falsely connects disability with ability which actually works to reinforce our oppression, not the other way around.

There is still disagreement among many disabled activists and academics about which terms to use (at least outside of the U.K. where there seems to be general consensus). I would put forward that we never again talk about the able-bodied and the dis/Abled as these are very problematic. With respect to the disabilism vs. ableism debate, I think that the reasons for keeping ablesim are far outweighed from the benefits to fully replacing it with disablism. The primary reason that folks I have talked to want to keep it is because it is what people know. Unfortunately, within radical activism, the reason that people know this term is because we have taught it to them. People have had similar debates about gender politics. For a good while people called folks who were not trans “bio women” and “bio men” but this was problematic because it reaffirmed the false dichotomy of biological sex. So, we collectively changed it. It took some time but “bio” then became “assigned” which was still not quite right. Now, folks use the term cis gendered to describe people who are not trans (or, my preferred, cissies). Not everyone does it yet but these things take time. Because people knew what “bio woman/man” meant was not a valid reason not to change it. We shouldn’t be afraid to push politics forward, we should, however do so as gently as possible with folks who are sincerely trying to understand things.

Further, I don’t think that the change would confuse people. I mean, disabilism is easier to understand as an oppression linked to disability than ableism. And, yes, we may have to have conversations explaining the change but those are opportunities for political education, opportunities to help people challenge some of the assumptions they have about disability.

Lastly, I think it is important to note that this is not an argument about semantics. The words we use to describe our experiences are the tools that we have to begin building resistance. Let’s go.

* This is a bit of a summary of one of the arguments that Chris Champman used in a conference paper. October 8, 2010. “Crippling narratives and disabling shame: disability as a metaphor, affective dividing practices, and an ethics that might make a difference,” The Space Between: Disability in and out of the Counselling Room. Toronto, ON, OISE, University of Toronto.

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Some Random Thoughts on Socialism and Individualism

I recently read David Goodway’s newest piece from the Guardian about anarchism, and what it means to be an anarchist. It made me think about the terms “socialist” and “individualist” from an anarchist perspective. The following were some random fragments of ideas I pondered:

It would seem that the anarchist aversion to the word “socialist” comes from the post-left influence, which is still pretty chic in the anarchist milieu. A historical perspective would yield that what we formally, for lack of a better term, understand to be “anarchism” — that is, a social theory/philosophy that emerged in the thought of individuals like Godwin, Proudhon, and Bakunin (acknowledging here, of course, that anarchism/anarchy, i.e., a rejection of authority and domination, is a way of organizing communities and a sensibility that has always been with us) — is a branch from the socialist tradition; however, many different tendencies within the milieu do not want any affiliation with what’s referred to as the Left (see post-left anarchy, anarcho-primitivists, many anti-civ non-primitivists, and many insurrectionary anarchists, to name a few).

The anarchist aversion to the word “individualist” is understandable; however, it’s grossly misunderstood. I’m inclined to think that your average anarcho-communist/syndicalist hears the term “individualist” and cringes. This is due to the Randroid wing of the right-”Libertarian”(if ever there was a misnomer — I still prefer to think of it as describing anti-authoritarian communism) movement proclaiming that their philosophy is “individualist.” While I’m not a big fan of the term, and don’t find it especially useful to describe my own sensibilities, it doesn’t mean anarchists should discount their comrades who identify with individualist anarchist strains. Social anarchists, myself included, could benefit a great deal from reading more of the works of the European individualist anarchists, for example — I’m attempting to play catch-up on that literature, which is often neglected in a study of anarchist history.

It is quite interesting that many still treat anarchists as a group basing their anti-authoritarianism on either “socialism” or “individualism.” While it’s true that some of the individualist anarchists had a favorable conception of “property,” it’s also true that many of them identified as socialists (e.g., Benjamin Tucker). Their conception of “property” relies on occupancy and use, and they’re economically in favor of the labor theory of value (LTV). Whatever you think about this brand of anarchist market socialism (i.e., mutualism) or LTV — and I’m not particularly fond of it, to be clear, or any philosophy which supports the existence of financial markets — it could be compatible with the heterogenous lineage of “socialism,” i.e., workers owning the means of production, and controlling it, collectively. Socialism has come to fruition both in the form of authoritarian states, and libertarian communes.

There are also many socialistic figures like William Godwin in the anarchist tradition — he’s often considered an individualist; however, Godwin essentially made the case for a kind of gift economy, what historian Peter Marshall called “voluntary communism.” Marshall also says that Godwin anticipated the anarcho-communism of Kropotkin. This all points to the notion that this dichotomy is not so neat. Another example is the Spanish anarchists that had no problem identifying as “Stirnerites” or individualists, who were involved with the FAI. Hell, Emma Goldman adored Stirner’s ideas — as well as Nietzche (F.N. is often categorized as an “individualist”), and she’s much closer to the tradition of anarcho-communism/syndicalism (see her sympathies for anarcho-syndicalism and the movement in Spain, as well as her plea to R. Rocker to publish a book on the subject).

The problem is that these words, i.e., socialism and individualism, no longer say a whole hell of a lot: hyper-authoritarians have used both “socialism” and “individualism” to define their worldview, as well as figures with libertarian sensibilities. Both phrases are hollow and devoid of meaning in the 21st century. I still — perhaps naively and stubbornly — hold on to the phrase “socialist” within an appropriate context, though it requires an explanation. I’m much more at home with the term “anarcho-communist” (with some caveats — this phrase does not connote Platformism) to describe the anti-market, anti-nation-state relations I desire. However, socialism — meaning that if there are hospitals, community gardens, farms, public transit, workshops, or whatever communities desire, they’ll be owned and controlled collectively by communities and the workers — is certainly something I value as an alternative to capitalist production, or financial markets.

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An Interview With David Graeber: Debt’s History, Implications, and Critical Perspective

Author’s Note: An edited version will appear in the forthcoming FORsooth newspaper.

David Graeber has spent the last decade challenging the line drawn between scholar and activist. While many academics fancy themselves “radicals,” the anthropologist professor has been an active participant in anarchist and anti-authoritarian groups and organizing. Graeber has used his skill-set as an anthropologist to compile ethnographic data – far away from the classroom and campus, to be sure – regarding the contemporary anarchist movement in North America; the results were published in 2009 as Direct Action: An Ethnography. David Graeber is the author of several books, including Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, and, most recently, Debt: The First 5,000 Years. Graeber currently teaches social anthropology at Goldsmiths, University of London. Below, Graeber discusses his latest book, the concept of debt in detail, and how his involvement in the anarchist movement sparked his interest in the history of debt.

Alex Bradshaw (AB): Your latest book, Debt: The First 5000 Years, explores the origins of debt. What were some of the implications for communities and individuals when debt became a significant factor in people’s lives?

David Graeber (DG): Well, one reason I wrote this book is that debt has come to pervade every aspect of our lives. International relations are all about debt, modern nation-states run on deficit financing, and consumer debt drives the economy—yet no one has, to my knowledge, ever written a history of the phenomenon. Even though people have written histories of almost anything else you can possibly imagine.

What I discovered was that in some ways, all this is nothing new. It’s probably fair to say that most human beings have been debtors at least at some point in their lives. Similarly, most uprisings, revolts, insurrections, mass political mobilizations in human history have been about debt—for instance, Athenian democracy or the Roman Republic largely emerged as a way of settling debt crises of one sort or another. Usually, in the end, enduring political regimes have had to come up to some solution to the debt trap, to avoid having the bulk of their population become effectively (or literally) slaves or peons to their creditors.

There’s two sort of solutions, usually. One, typical of ages of credit money—where money itself is assumed to be a social creation, so many IOUs or promises—is to impose some kind of direct controls. For instance, ancient Mesopotamian kings would often just declare a clean slate, all debts would be wiped out and people would start over again. Or you could ban the taking of interest, as both Christianity and Islam did in the Middle Ages. The other solution, typical of periods of actual, physical money, such Classical Antiquity or the last five hundred years or so, is more the imperial solution: insist that debts are sacred and not to be tampered with, and throw money at the problem, create standing armies and pay them, figure out ways to distribute cash directly to your subjects—or at least social welfare programs—so they don’t end up up to the ears and lose their freedom. This of course only works in the imperial centers (cities like Athens and Rome which literally gave wealth away to their citizens), elsewhere, you usually tend to have massive debt enslavement.

Looked at in these terms, we can see that, as we begin to move back to a system of virtual credit money, that solution is breaking down as well. As a result, everyone, even in countries like the US, are being reduced to effective debt slaves. The greatest social evil of antiquity was precisely this: people would fall so deeply in debt that they would end up selling their children into slavery, even, finally, themselves. But you know, if Plato or Aristotle were somehow magically transported to modern America, would he really see matter here as all that different? Sure, we no longer sell ourselves to employers, we rent ourselves. But for anyone from the ancient world, such a distinction would be at best a legalism. They’d probably consider most Americans to be debt slaves, and would they really be so wrong to do so?

AB: When we discuss debt, we also have to discuss the concept of money. What is the conventional narrative about why money came to exist, and did your studies of debt contradict this narrative? On this note, what is the essential connection between money and debt?

DG: If you pick up an economic textbook, it’ll tell you that once upon a time (it literally deserves such an introduction, it’s a fairy tale) there was no money, so people engaged in barter: “I’ll give you twenty chickens for that cow”, that sort of thing. If the guy doesn’t want chickens, you’re out of luck—so you have to go invent money. Gradually, this gives birth to more sophisticated financial forms like paper money, complex credit operations, securitized derivatives… Problem is that, as anthropologists have known for years, it just isn’t true. No one has ever found an economy based on barter (and believe me, they’ve been looking.) Actually it’s not just wrong, it’s backwards: credit systems come first, coinage is invented at least two thousand years later, and barter… well, when it does occur, it’s usually because people are used to using money, but somehow the money supply disappears, as it did, say, in Russia with the collapse of the Soviet Union. But if credit systems are the original form of money, that gives great support to those economists—and among economists, they are decidedly the minority—who argue that money really is debt; or, better perhaps, a system of accounting that allows us to keep track of credits and debts. That realization has profound implications.

AB: The discourse regarding financial markets only tolerates so much dissent; the most common dogma states that financial markets are merely a “natural” human occurrence. Does a critical history of debt undermine the view that financial markets proper have a benign, benevolent tradition? Further, could you explain your claim that markets are founded on a “logic of violence”?

DG: I find it somewhat amusing that a lot of conventional thinkers, when they hear me talk about ancient clean slates, Jubilees and whatnot, respond “but that couldn’t really be true! It would have a terrible effect on economic activity.” Well, perhaps, but what they don’t take into account is that “economic activity” of that sort, the sort which was based on cash or precisely quantified, legally enforced loans (rather than relations based on honor and trust between people with genuine moral relations with one another)—well, for most of human history, that was largely a side-effect of military operations. Coinage is invented to pay soldiers, and markets that used them tended to crop up alongside military camps. Similarly the modern banking system arises to help fund European wars. Central banks, in turn, institutionalized that system, since the debts they manage are basically government war debt, and always have been—at least back to 1694, when King William II offered some London merchants who’d made a loan of £1.2 million to fight a war in France the right to call themselves “The Bank of England” and loan that money he owed them to others in the form of banknotes, thus bringing our current currency system into existence. Modern money is still basically government war debt.

AB: As this interview is being conducted, the hot topic in electoral politics news in the United States is the stand-off regarding raising the “debt ceiling” – that is, the maximum debt the U.S. can accrue. My question is twofold: (1.) do nation-states really have tangible debt limits, and (2.) what would happen if the U.S. were to pay off its debt tomorrow – that is, is it desirable to do so?

DG: The US is the only country that has such a legal limit, but it’s all a moralistic charade. As I say, the system we have, based on Central Banks—in our case, the Federal Reserve— requires the US to be in debt because that’s where money comes from. The only President who ever seriously tried to retire the debt was Andrew Jackson, and to do it, he also got rid of the US central bank of the time—but the results led a disastrous speculative bubble on the part of local banks that had to provide credit money themselves, and no President since has repeated the experiment.

AB: You’ve never shied away from discussing your involvement with anarchist politics, or broadly what is called the alter-globalization movement. Did your involvement in anarchist and anti-capitalist projects spark your interest in exploring a history of the concept of debt? If so, why?

DG: Oh, absolutely. After all, the alter-globalization movement grew out of a broad global reaction to the Washington consensus, which was never any sort of consensus, but rather, a vision of the world forcibly imposed on the global South through the third world debt crisis. I was involved in “drop the debt” campaigns of various sorts since at least 2000. What got me interested in some of the philosophical issues I ended up exploring in the book was the peculiar moral power of the notion of debts. So many otherwise sympathetic people, even when told of the terrible, almost unimaginably inhuman suffering inflicted on people in the global South because of the depredations of the IMF, would still respond, “well, that’s terrible that so many children died slow and painful deaths, but still – surely one has to pay one’s debts! They borrowed the money! You couldn’t possibly be suggesting they not pay it…” How is it that the morality of debt can trump any other recognizable form of morality, and make things that no one would ever, possibly agree with in any other context seem suddenly acceptable?

AB: Anarchism, as I’ve always understood it, is a critique of “power-over” social relationships in which a group or an individual has power over another group or individual – non-hierarchical relations are of the utmost importance. Are financial markets necessarily hierarchical, leading to prosperity for the few, at the expense of the majority’s debt slavery? Also, as an anarchist, do you favor “self-managed” financial markets, or are you more interested in non-market possibilities, like gift economies that are based on needs and desires instead of quid pro quo exchange?

DG: Well, the first credit markets seem to have formed as a side-effect of bureaucratic administration, and the first cash-based markets formed as a side-effect of war. That’s not a very inspiring legacy for an anarchist! There have, certainly, been times and places when a kind of free market populism has emerged, where markets began operating independently of governments, at least to some degree – Medieval Islam is one famous example, and later, Ming China—but in such cases, they tended to operate in very different ways than the kind of markets we’re now familiar with, less about competition, much more about creating and maintaining relations of interpersonal trust, or for instance, profit-sharing operations instead of interest, etc etc. I suppose it’s possible in a free society something like that might be possible. But you wouldn’t be able to call something like that a “financial market” in anything like the sense we’re familiar with.

It’s not something I feel I or anyone else can predict one way or the other. What I do think absolutely cannot operate without the state, or some top-down coercive enforcement agency, are institutions like interest-bearing loans, which is of course the core of contemporary “finance”, or, most of all, wage-labor. History shows that you basically need a state to create a situation where people are willing to sign on basically as rent-a-slaves to other people.

AB: Finally, to pull this conversation back to current events, would you argue that many current resistance movements – and I’m thinking of movements opposing neoliberal policy in Europe, including austerity measures – are based largely upon issues centering around debt, or debt forgiveness? Would you say that most examples of insurrections, revolutions, or general resistance are reactions to draconian debt policies?

DG: The great Classicist Moses Finley suggested that there was basically one single revolutionary program in all of antiquity: “abolish the debts, and redistribute the land.” The interesting thing is this is still much more true than we imagine. Take the recent revolutions in the Middle East. One of the biggest factors in the Egyptian revolution, hardly talked about, is microcredit. Gamal Mubarak, who used to work for Bank of America, decided he wanted to move away from the old welfare state model to a microcredit development model; since no one had any collateral to repossess, the police then became the guys who showed up to break your legs. Hence the universal outrage over police brutality.

When the Saudis panicked that the revolution might reach their own country, what did they do? Well, aside from beef up the security forces—they declared a Mesopotamian-style debt forgiveness for everyone in the Kingdom. (They still have a king so they can still do things like that.) Then there’s the ongoing revolts in Greece and Spain, like the Egyptian revolution, in the name of “real democracy.” There is a reason, I think, these things are happening now. What we learned in 2008 is that everything they told us about markets was a lie. Markets don’t run themselves, and debts don’t always have to be paid. If we’re talking about the real big players, the rules are different, even 13 trillion in gambling debts (by some estimations) can be made to disappear. We can’t deny that money is at core a political phenomenon, not an economic one—or at the very least, that it has now become so. But if that’s the case, then if democracy is to mean anything, it has to mean that it’s not just the richest 1% of the population that gets to decide who had to keep the exact letter of their promises and whose promises can be scotched or renegotiated… but everyone.

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An Anarchist’s Top Five for 2011

I’m not a big fan of the self-deprivation – which often presents as puritanical and ascetic –often associated with New Year’s resolutions, unless they involve giving up… self-deprivation. The following five points – what I see as ways to make anarchism/ anarchy sexier, more practical, and in the here-and-now – do not serve as an arbitrary set of resolutions for a most heterogeneous of social/ political movements. Rather, they are my own aspirations and hopes for the anarchist movement in the New Year.

If they’re not your own hopes and aspirations, please add to this conversation. That is to say, I would love to hear others’ thoughts on what they would like to see anarchism become in 2011, and in the future.

The 2000’s have been a mixed bag for this movement that seeks to alter globalization. Of course 9/11/01 radically shifted the direction – and changed the dynamics, while slowing the momentum – of a movement that started the 2000’s still coasting off the fumes of Seattle ’99. We could consider 2011 as a time to reconsider what anarchism is, jettisoning the useless, and building on the valuable and useful and imaginative aspects.

I. Be nice to each other

This seems simple enough, but anarchists typically struggle in this department. Anarchism appealed to me as the anti-ideology – certainly the ideas are important, but it transcended other political and religious dogma. But the anarchist community is by-no-means immune to dogma and ultra-ideological partisans. If it’s important for you to tout the “correct” (as you see it) anarchist line, just acknowledge that you could be – and likely are – wrong, and subject to change your mind in the near future. If we want to end domination and oppression and “power-over” social relationships in their entirety, we better be able to play nicely.

A healthy plurality of theories and ideas that may full-well be antithetical to each other is perfectly fine; anarchism is a broad idea with sweeping, subjective principles defining it – always changing, never static. But partaking in these discourses in a manner that seeks to destroy our fellow anti-authoritarian theoretical opponents is counterproductive.

II. Immerse ourselves in community work

All-too-many well-meaning anarchists get lost in theory and counter-culture. I remember hearing a talk by Barry Pateman about anarchists that started a successful infoshop in California, and putting out a well-done paper. Headlines such as “Situationism: Second wave” graced the front page of this particular infoshop’s paper, according to Pateman. In an adjacent impoverished, working-class community, folks were being evicted from their apartments, having their homes foreclosed upon, and were plagued with other Capital-induced problems. The anarchists that made this successful infoshop run had likely no knowledge of what was happening in this adjacent community, or – even worse – they didn’t care. This is a shame, indeed… if you ask this anarchist.

Infoshops and cultural centers are a way to reclaim public space, using it to do non-hierarchical politics and letting non-oppressive social relationships flourish. I don’t want to understate the importance of such endeavors. But if such impressive anti-authoritarian projects flourish, while ignoring problems directly impacting communities in which they’re located, opportunities to build radical consciousness, to offer mutual aid and accompaniment with our neighbors in times of hardship are lost.

There are plenty of small gains that can be attained in the here-and-now in our communities. I can’t find any good reason we shouldn’t be, at the very least, attempting to form democratic neighborhood associations that do not work with the police or city government, foreclosure defense collectives, tenants’ unions, collectives with prisoners returning to the community, radically-oriented, directly democratic youth programs, and weekly, community discussion groups which give neighbors an opportunity to do face-to-face politics. All of these projects can be run non-hierarchically—without leaders. In every sense of the term, these would all be “anarchist” projects.

An infoshop can be an effective and meaningful way to spread consciousness and propaganda, but the community Pateman mentioned in his talk could benefit from the aforementioned examples of mutual aid, and anarchist-inspired projects.

III. Work on our communication skills

Many erudite radicals have come and gone, without the abolition of systems of domination and oppression. It is clear that the more verbose, obscurantist, or abstract our literature is – while this can certainly be an enjoyable challenge at times to read and discuss – doesn’t make it more effective in propagating ideas within non-radicalized communities. In fact, it may do the opposite; I would understand if someone not ensconced in the anarchist community would be more than a little put off if all they were exposed to was literature inspired by post-structuralist thinkers, Tiqqun-style essays, books, or pamphlets. Without points of reference, this style of communication could come off as either pretentious, or perhaps even nonsensical. Why start there?

Instead, we should consider universal accessibility: we need to create propaganda that can be heard for the blind, seen for the deaf, and can be understood by everyone in our communities. All people with so-called “disabilities” (an arbitrary concept and term, to say the least) should be able to experience and understand our means of communication if we stand opposed to social hierarchies. Our means of communication should also transcend language borders, and all borders for that matter. Well-done performance art, or visual art of any kind, would be one way to do this. Imaginative possibilities are endless, and different cultural milieu and geographic regions would create this in different manners.

IV. Attempt to organize workplaces on anti-authoritarian grounds

After our immediate community, the workplace is the most important space to encourage anti-capitalist resistance. In the community we’re consumers, and at the workplace we’re producers of services or goods; capitalism needs both. We need to encourage fellow community members/ workers to break the cycle.

Whether you think anarchism is a tradition that belongs to the lineage of the political left, or if you’re a left-loather and anti-workerist – and if you have a day job – attempt to form radical, horizontally-controlled unions, workers’ organizations, coalitions, or councils. Even if work is something you’d like to abolish in its entirety, organize not to work; you may find quite a bit of sympathy.

If your idea of a post-capitalist society is one for which there is some kind of industry, organize on those grounds. Organize at your workplace simply because you want modest improvements. But if you’re an anarchist, try to organize non-hierarchically; try to create webs of solidarity that exist without leaders or bureaucracy. If we can channel the vitriol most have for management and bosses, coupled with the fact that most do not like their jobs and would choose to do something else with their time if given a more attractive choice, we may be able to get somewhere.

Stand in solidarity with those workers doing just this at Jimmy Johns’ and Starbucks; both are affiliated with the IWW – its history with no shortage of anarchist involvement. Remind your employees that the American labor movement has made many gains thanks to anarchists since the Haymarket affair in Chicago, and remind them who struggled for the eight-hour workday. Promote May Day as a day to celebrate this event in 2011; appropriate it as a candidly anarchist holiday.

There’s no suggestion here that this will bring about some glorious revolution; this may be an outdated goal. If anarchy is permanent, it is dynamic in its meaning and present and future aspirations. Attempting to organize workers, i.e., Capitals’ cogs, can lead to radical community – a community informed to think freely. If a community feels able and is more-than-willing to think freely, this is more than an anarchist can ask for.

It can lead to a spreading conversation, a culture in opposition to the conformist hegemony of western, Eurocentric, capitalist society – even within one neighborhood. “Anarchizing” the workplace, in this sense, has the utmost potential. This is a call to “come out” to your fellow employees, if you haven’t already. Reach for the most absurd and unattainable goals like a city-wide wildcat strike; encourage the strike so the neighborhood can spend a day getting to know each other instead of working, or to abolish capitalism. Simply encourage idolatry, in rejection of the puritanical standards that consider back-breaking work “moral,” or organize on completely different grounds that you think your community might be sympathetic towards.

V. Continue to broaden the scope of our critique

Anarchism is more than an opposition to the State and Capital; we’ve done a poor job at articulating this at great measure. Even in many published, historical overviews of anarchism, it’s often reduced to being against government, or anti-statism. This leads folks to believe that anarchists cannot find liberatory relationships and can never “win” – assuming “winning” some kind of tangible battle is still the program – since winning involves what many in our community refer to as making “Total Destroy.”

This is why we must broaden the scope of our critique. There is a great deal of promising literature coming out regarding anarchism and disability intersections, anarchist perspectives regarding queer theory, and an anarchist analysis of the climate crisis. That said, we could do a whole hell of a lot better. Without capitalism, we would still have all of the constructed binary opposition – some examples of constructed binary opposition include “heterosexuality” v. “homosexuality,” “woman” v. “man,” “able” v. “disabled,” “sane” v. “insane,” etc. The reason all of these binary oppositions should be critiqued robustly by anarchists is that they create “power-over” social relationships. That is to say, binary oppositions create hierarchies with a dominant group, and an oppressed group.

While there is encouraging literature coming out from our community, we could afford to organize on these issues. In the wretched prisons, in our schools – which aren’t much different to our children than the prisons, in our community –in which people who do not conform to rigid gender identities are treated horrendously by market, patriarchal, white supremacist society, there are plenty of ways and means to form solidarity and mutual aid opportunities with these oppressed groups, and create anarchy in real time.

There is no conclusion…

Anarchism will constantly have to redefine itself to remain anti-authoritarian. There is no end result we seek; anarchism is a critique, and a constant demand for liberatory relationships with others, with the environment, with ourselves. This will apply to any future moment, as well. It doesn’t exist in the future. Direct action is something anarchists have been interested in for a reason: it is a demand for non-commodified relationships; opportunities for creative possibilities; making our imagination a reality, in real time. 2011 gives the movement opportunity to start fresh, and to reflect on the many promising, and negative, aspects of anarchism.

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No One Expects the Conspiracy: Puppets, State Repression, and Full Report From Louisville

Author’s Note: This piece will be published in a monthly newspaper in Louisville called the FORsooth that is geared towards a more general audience, i.e., not just anarchists/ anti-authoritarians. Because of this, the piece speaks very generally about some things many anarchists/ anti-authoritarians may be very well-versed in, like CrimethInc. But I still feel it’s a useful overview for anarchists/ anti-authoritarians for what the Conspiracy Tour was all about.

Louisville Joins the Conspiracy

The Conspiracy Tour whisked through Louisville on August 8, transforming the usual slow paced, muggy Summer evening into an evening promising anarchy and humor, learning about state repression, conspiracy charges, and grand jury resistance.

For those not familiar, the Conspiracy Tour is a group of anarchists from Minneapolis, Minnesota, joined by friends from the Mysterious Rabbit Puppet Army, who intertwined dialogue with the speakers on very serious matters with hilariously absurd questions from the puppets, who all stood above a street sign behind presenters that read “Conspiracy Street.” A defiant owl named Olivia, a brash snapping turtle named Ben, a wise bear named Brian (who seemed to be the brains of the puppet cohort),and a naive fox named “Donny Don’t,” provided puppet irreverence. The human anarchists, Talia Narodnaya, Jude Oritz, and Carrie Feldman, arrived in their van from the previous location in Asheville, North Carolina, at 6:00pm promptly, to the Women in Transition space on Chestnut Street, an organization that serves as a mutual aid and solidarity network for working class women, and other folks under the poverty line.

CrimethInc, a decentralized anarchist collective with different cells around the world, usually has an annual convergence, where activists coalesce in different regions to dialogue and network. This year, CrimethInc made a different call, and proclaimed that “We Are Everywhere” become an international slogan, and awareness campaign for anarchists to show the world what they do, throughout the month of August. The idea was to call out to all anarchists, to make their presence known more than ever before, through actions, educational events, and “decentralized tours.” which is exactly what the Conspiracy Tour is.

The even consisted of four separate presentations, all connected to the other, broken up with hilarious song and dance from our puppet comrades: Talia Narodnaya started off with a brief history of state repression in the US; Jude Oritz told us all about the RNC 8; Carrie Feldman explained a personal experience resisting a grand jury and her four-month stint in jail; and lastly, Talia joined Carry to explain helpful ways for radical activists to avoid being entrapped and criminalized by police, and the State. We ended the evening with a roundtable, facilitated discussion with Talia, Jude, and Carry about what is going on in Louisville in regards to the anarchist movement.

A History of State Repression in 30 Minutes

Act I brought us Talia Narodnaya, who would tell us all about the ins and outs of state repression in a broader context, and of course comments from the animal cohort on “Conspiracy Street.”

Donny Don’t, the terminally naïve fox opened up Talia’s presentation with a question: “Hey Talia, is this the first time in the history of forever that a movement, or community, such as ours has faced this kind of repression?” Talia, of course, answered kindly no, but engaged Donny.

So, you may ask, the history of state repression is pretty thorough, right? To the dismay of Donny, this certainly is not the first time “in the history of forever” that these things have occurred. Talia tells us more.

“As long as there has been injustice, there has been resistance,” Talia stated. “And as long as there has been resistance, those in power have tried to repress it.” Talia takes us back to 1956, when, as she points out, part of the FBI’s mission statement was “maintaining the social and political order.” Talia reminds us that this year marked the birth of COINTELPRO (Counter-Intelligence Program). She went on to explain that the objective of COINTELPRO was to inhibit groups or individuals in the US that were deemed “subversive.” This title “subversive” largely meant people of color groups like the Black Panther Party, the NAACP, other non-violent civil rights groups, the American Indian Movement, but also the New Left generally.

To many radicals and global justice organizers and activists, the history of COINTELPRO is relatively well-known; what may not be so well known was Talia’s point that COINTELPRO provided “covert aid” to white hate groups like the Ku Klux Klan, so as long as they “promised to provide their attacks to COINTELPRO targets.”

Of course, the COINTELPRO history gets much more ominous: Talia mentioned the assaults, extensive jail time for activists, bombings of offices and homes of activists, and targeted assassinations of activists.

Talia discussed the demise of COINTELPRO in 1971, as well, when a group calling itself Citizens’ Commission to Investigate the FBI broke into an FBI office in Pennsylvania to get their hands on thousands of pages of documentation. This documentation exposed a great deal of the ugliness of COINTELPRO, led to a public outcry, and a year later, J. Edgar Hoover, director of the FBI at the time, officially ended COINTELPRO. Talia, at this point asks the crowd a question: “Does anyone believe that that counterintelligence program ended at that point?” Besides Donny Don’t on Conspiracy Street who raises his hand, the rest of the crowd isn’t so naïve.

Talia brought to our attention that starting in the ’90s, state repression has been heavily geared towards animal liberation, earth liberation, and anti-globalization organizers and activists. She specifically mentioned the “SHAC 7,” which is a group that was merely reporting on direct action in the animal liberation struggle such as property damage via a website, but was never actually convicted of participating, or even advocating such actions. As we’ll see with the next presentation, the act of incriminating folks for doing absolutely nothing but seemingly holding the wrong political views, is more common than one may think.

Conspiracy Charges and the “RNC 8”

Jude Oritz’s presentation was next on the agenda, and he started off by giving the audience a brief history of the RNC 8. The story of the RNC 8, as Jude explained, starts in 2006 when the Republican National Convention (RNC) announced they would meet in St. Paul, Minnesota. Starting at this point, as Oritz discussed, “there were a series of open, public meetings in the Twin Cities, for people to get together and start talking about strategies, and forms of protest. From these meetings, the RNC Welcoming Committee formed.”

The RNC Welcoming Committee, in Jude’s words, was an “explicitly anarchist, anti-authoritarian organizing body, that was focused on logistics for the conventions, like convergence spaces, where we’d go for free meals, and meetings.”
The RNC Welcoming Committee also, as Oritz told us on Sunday night, came up with a blockading, civil-disobedience strategy known as “3 S,” i.e., swarm, seize, and stay. “The point was to swarm into an area of downtown St. Paul, seize it, and stay there as long as possible. And the purpose of that, like many civil disobedience strategies, was to create space to deliver a political message.” This message, Jude tells us, was to express dissent with the Republicans’ policies “in which ever way they chose, a diversity of tactics.”

“The St. Paul Principles” also arose out of this group, and this particular event. Oritz says these were “different agreements that helped people with different ideologies, different political backgrounds, and different groups, to come together, work together, so that they weren’t falling into state-sponsored paradigms of good protester/ bad protester, which could really perpetuate divisions and differences.

Some of those agreements included things such as agreeing not to talk trash about each other in the media, agreeing not to talk to the cops about any kind of investigation into the groups, and also agreeing to respect differences in time or space in actions, so that people could work together even if they didn’t have the same politics, or choose the same tactics.” With a bit of background, enter Exhibit A, and actually the only piece of evidence used to persecute and repress the RNC 8: a satirical video called “We’re Getting Ready,” produced by the RNC Welcoming Committee. Oritz describes the video as poking fun at “state-sponsored stereotypes of anarchists.” It involves individuals doing normal things like eating breakfast, taking a shower, and cooking dinner, who are donned in all black, with ski-masks. One of the more humorous and tongue-in cheek aspects of the video shows one of these individuals lighting a grill using a molotov cocktail, playing on one of the most banal and trite stereotypes, i.e., anarchist-as-bomb-thrower.

“The cops didn’t think it was funny; they saw it as a threat,” said Oritz. This video launched a year-long investigation sparked by the Ramsey County (the county in which St. Paul resides) Sheriff’s Office, and as far as Oritz and other organizers know, there were three infiltrators from the Sheriff’s Office. Oritz says there was also one FBI agent involved in the investigation.

“One of the undercover agents was looking for the leaders in the [RNC] Welcoming Committee,” Oritz said. “Which, if we look at anarchist, anti-authoritarian organizing, there’s of course a non-hierarchical basis, there are no leaders, there aren’t people telling others what to do. But the cops really don’t understand that.”

Since there weren’t leaders to target, the law had to find the most dedicated, passionate, and most involved in the RNC Welcoming Committee: these individuals came to be known as the RNC 8. The case is quite telling. Oritz tells us that the informants had to admit at a trial-hearing recently, that there is no incriminating evidence of any “agreements to riot, or destroy property, or use dangerous weapons.”

This is where things get really strange. Members of the RNC 8′s homes were broken into with assault rifles and “full riot gear, (cops) grabbed people out of bed, and off to jail,” Oritz says, while others were grabbed at the convention. Oritz went on to say they were all “initially charged with conspiracy to riot in furtherance of terrorism. They were later on charged with conspiracy to commit criminal damage to property in furtherance of terrorism.”

Oritz points out that this is a common strategy of the State: politically motivated arrests that equate anarchism with terrorism.

To conclude his presentation, Jude Oritz reminds us how the conspiracy laws are written, and the conclusion the prosecutors are taking in the RNC 8 trial at present: “The fact that there was property destruction at the RNC [in St. Paul], the fact that there were convictions based on that property destruction, means that there was a conspiracy, and the RNC 8 are guilty. So, think about that logic: property destruction equals conspiracy, equals guilt. It doesn’t really make too much sense, but the way that these conspiracy laws are written that may be legally sufficient to convict the remaining seven defendants (author’s note: as of their stop in Louisville on August 8, they learned that one of the RNC 8 defendants, one Erik Oseland, will be accepting a plea agreement).”

Jude Oritz is part of the RNC 8 Defense Committee, and he, and others are still optimistic about the remaining seven defendants, and is asking that folks research it, do RNC 8 fundraisers, and come Minnesota for the trial to protest and stand in solidarity with the RNC 8. Unfortunately these are not the only legal shenanigans happening in the Twin Cities in regards to the anarchist community.
Carry Feldman gave us further insight in Act III.

Ham Sandwiches and Grand Juries: Carry Feldman’s Case

Carrie Feldman has firsthand experience resisting grand juries, and she seems to have learned a great deal about them in the process. Feldman described “a panel of 16 to 23 jurors who will hear evidence on a case, and decide whether or not to charge someone with a crime.” Feldman said, ironically enough, they were initially created to avoid “arbitrary inditements.” There are some problems here, though.

First, as Feldman points out, “they’re incredibly secretive.” She said it’s hard for legal defense, or anyone else for that matter, to find out what is going on. The track record of grand juries also are quite infamous, as Carrie pointed out: “Grand juries almost always come back with an inditement. And 98-99 percent of the time they do. In fact, they do it so much, this chief judge in New York has this famous quote about grand juries, saying that they would indite a ham sandwich if the prosecution asked them to.”

To provide some context, Carrie Feldman was subpoenaed to a federal grand jury in Iowa, along with her partner Scott Demuth, in late 2009, in relation to an Animal Liberation Front (a well-known radical animal rights group) raid that took place at the University of Iowa in 2004. Feldman and Demuth were seemingly targeted for their politics and well-known stances on the issue of animal liberation, and nothing else. As Feldman discussed, showing a picture of herself when she was 15, she was interrogated about a picture of her with a rat on her shoulder, her hooded sweatshirt, and a t-shirt that appeared to say “ALF,” the initials of the Animal Liberation Front. She was asked ridiculous questions about everything in the picture, including where she got the rat.

They had no information on the raid, but due to the Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act (AETA), Scott Demuth was indicted on conspiracy charges. Carrie spent four months in jail for not cooperating with the grand jury on principle. She shared her eloquent, defiant statement with the crowd on Sunday night. “First of all, I would like to state, unequivocally and most certainly for the record, that I have no intention of testifying before this grand jury,” Feldman read from the beginning of the statement.

She ended her grand jury statement by saying “Today my voice may waver, as I stand alone in this room. But I know I speak with the voice of every one of my friends, loved ones, and comrades when I say this: We will not be intimidated. We will not cooperate. I have nothing more to say to you.”

Scott Demuth is still pending trial for his charges, and is scheduled for September 13th of this year.

The Conspiracy Comes to an End

The event closed with no easy answers, ending where we started: as long as movements of resistance challenge injustice, there will be state repression. Talia and Carrie briefly discussed tactics and advice for activism before the audience participated in a facilitated, dynamic discussion with the Conspiracy crew. Two of the most important aspects stressed in this short discussion is that you do not have to talk to the police, or let them in your living space, so as long as they do not have a warrant.

Since rats, t-shirts, satirical videos have been used to arbitrarily incriminate activists and organizers, if you’re a radical activist, it’s best to talk to the cops through a closed door, according to Talia. She shared an intense experience where one police officer alternated between the role of good cop to bad cop, banged on the door, threatened to take her child who was home, but went away, since she ultimately refused to cooperate, or open the door. The facilitated discussion, on a different note, yielded a well-known fact amongst radical activists and organizers in the Louisville area: the anarchist scene is very small, and fractured.

We all left enthused about changing the state of things by planning events, and pushing forward on projects we’re working on. Different folks in the community talked about projects they were working on that others had no idea of, and made promises to work on organizing more events like the Conspiracy Tour, which local Brent Tinell did the legwork to bring to Louisville. The activists from Minnesota and elsewhere shared experiences, like political prisoner letter-writing meet-ups, that had worked in their respective cities, and other sustainable projects for inspiration.

The event seemed to bring excitement into our fractured and small anarchist community in Louisville, and brought us humor, knowledge, the ominous reality and ways of the State, as well as radical possibilities for building our movement locally. Not bad for a muggy, Sunday, Summer evening in a city that is sorely lacking regarding events like this.

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Social Anarchism, Techno-Pessimism, and Primitivism: A Belated Response to Nihilo Zero

This is a much belated response to an article by anarcho-primitivist blogger Nihilo Zero, who was writing in response to an essay I wrote about anarchy and the BP oil spill.

I must say, first and foremost, that the response will hopefully spark something seemingly uncommon in the anarchist milieu: civil discourse amongst those who reach different anti-authoritarian conclusions. To be sure, there should be a healthy pluralism; homogeneity has more than simply authoritarian connotations. What still attracts me so, to anarchism/ anarchy, is that it has evolved into a macro critique of domination. And delegated boxes of homogeneity, to which we are confined, are a big part of this critique. Hence, when we speak of all-encompassing financial markets, spaces where we are permitted to do certain things but not others, with orders from above, it’s more than analogous to being delegated to gender binaries, or sexual orientations as Jamie Heckert has so wonderfully articulated, or people who perceive the world or move around in space differently than the majority being delegated to certain normative behaviors, etc.

So, if anarchism becomes a space in which certain tendencies are tolerated, and others are determined fraudulent by an informal leadership, I suppose you can count me out, and this philosophy has become antithetical to itself.

I still argue it isn’t anything of the sort. I must mention I’m relatively new to anarchist thought; I came to the conclusion that I identify with anarchist principles only a few years back, after dabbling briefly with Marxism. So maybe I lack many of the preconceived notions that individuals who’ve been in the movement 20-plus years have.

As Deric Shannon points out, there should obviously be some disqualifying elements to individuals who identify with the broader anarchist movement; he mentions the racist wingnuts who call themselves national anarchists, and the so-called “anarcho”-capitalists, with the latter already being discussed ad nauseam within the milieu. I would go a step further and say that reduction would disqualify someone from being anti-authoritarian; if one can’t acknowledge queer struggle, or female-bodied individual’s struggle, or disregard people with so-called disability’s struggle, and merely acknowledge capitalism as the only form of oppression, or the State, it’s questionable, in my view, as to whether this is anarchism. And vice versa. If one completely writes off class-struggle as old hat leftism, I see this too, as highly problematic. But again, I’m not the gatekeeper, and there seems to be room under the tent for any genuine anti-authoritarians / people concerned with “power-over” social relations, and hierarchy, on a macro scale.

But whether or not we prefigure a world which utilizes a certain amount of technology, or continues some degree of civilization, to me these are questions concerning the larger role of domination. Is civilization per se domination, or is it a natural development of human organization? Is civilization synonymous with exponential growth? And if we quell exponential growth in some way, so as to acknowledge that civilization growing outwards like a cancer is not compatible with finite ecosystems, will this then be a post-civilization society?

While I cannot offer easy answers to these loaded questions, I can say this: as someone who still doesn’t have a problem identifying as a social anarchist, I see merit in some of the primitivist critique. There’s no need for me to denounce folks like Nihilo, based on the merit that we reach different conclusions. Before I address some of the specific points Nihilo makes, I want to bring up the point that not all social anarchists are simply techno-optimists; we are not entirely ambivalent about technology, industrial agriculture, or civilization. Anti-civilization critiques, too, are useful to me, insomuch as I can deconstruct it and pull out what’s useful. After all, isn’t this the best we can do with any social theory/ philosophy? To accept any theory in the hard or social sciences, or any philosophy hook, line, and sinker, smacks of dogmatism, which is why I’m thankful for thinkers like Derrida and Foucault, and postanarchist thought. Anarchism, or anything else for that matter, shouldn’t be sacred.

Hence, I am skeptical about any techno-solutions, technology proper, big civilization, and downright oppose industrial agriculture, in favor of ultra-decentralized permaculture, functioning within localized gift economies (if we want to slow down the death of the planet in any meaningful sense). The expansion of urban areas with no end in sight, essentially turning the planet into a parking lot, even if it’s covered with solar panels and windmills, won’t benefit any life form, from prokaryotes to primates, on the planet. And while we’re currently living in ecological crisis, at the rate we’re going, we are certainly fucked. If we do not move backwards while looking forward, we’re going to rely on the same Western-centric, Enlightenment principles-soaked fetishization of “science” and “rationality” that got us into this mess in the first place. And if we do not start listening to people who, for thousands and thousands of years, have had a spiritual connection with the land and the planet, and in most ways, a much more sophisticated understanding of ecology, we’re doomed to repeat the Industrial Revolutions’ mistakes over, and over, and over again.

I do not think the whole of technology is something for which we can sensibly be ambivalent, or agnostic about. The notion that technology proper is something that can be utilized for either noble endeavors, or for tyrants to kill people, is a bit too simplistic. This misses the point that the overwhelming majority of what’s called “science” in the West, and what is determined technology, involves environmental extractions of finite resources. Hence, whether we’re doing wonderful things like curing cancer, or wretched things like dropping nuclear bombs on innocent people, we’re still extracting from the finite environment.

That said, I’m not about to make an argument that we should have some kind of zero-sum ecological footprint, as if such practices are possible. So, while I’m certainly skeptical of civilization as we currently know it, and hyper-techno advances in the name of “humanity,” I’m also skeptical of the notion that it’s even possible to entirely move away from using technology, but civilization? In regards to the latter, I would argue we must quell exponential expansion to sustain the planet, and this is essentially what “civilization” refers to. So it seems low-tech (but “tech” to a certain degree, to be sure), coupled with decentralization and local autonomy, could, in fact, quell this growth. It seems only natural that as anti-capitalists we would naturally be skeptical of civilization, but this isn’t always the case.

Moving back to anarcho-primitivism, it has never quite been homogenous; there’s been internal debates about the use of art, mathematics, and other symbolism, as well as the question of agriculture. So the critique that most social anarchists seem to make about primitivism is troublesome to begin with, since it’s not exactly a monolith (nor is social anarchism).

The bottom line is that, for the majority of folks that call themselves anarchists, the market and the State and governmental bureaucracies and prisons and centralization, are viewed as oppressive, totalitarian components of the society in which we live (there are exceptions in regards to markets; I acknowledge this). So, let’s see: a decentralized society, no bureaucracy, no markets, no currency, no governments, and localized autonomy. What this implies to me is that most anarchists want a, for lack of a better term, simplified society. Industrialization is something that, even for the non-primitivists, we would by default slow down tremendously. For this reason, one would think we wouldn’t completely write off all anarchists that are anti-civilization, or who reject technology in its totality. For folks who want a decentralized, non-bureaucratic stateless society without markets, i.e., a “simplified” life (not to mention the anarchist critique of work in itself), one would think we all might find useful elements of a theory that suggests re-wilding, or abolishing more than the State and the economic apparatus in which it keeps on life support. Think about the endless analysis anarchists have found useful from Marxism, without, of course, becoming Marxists.

I wanted to preface the issues I take with Nihilo’s analysis before I get into it vis-a-vis the article to which he initially responded. I also hope this assures the reader that this is not another banal critique of primitivism with the usual suspects, i.e., it’s irrational, it’s genocidal, etc. While I should make it perfectly clear primitivist thought ain’t my bag, it’s also not my bag to use hackneyed criticisms that seemingly have little merit.

Specific Issues Nihilo Brings Up

Nihilo starts off by saying that the conditions for which I speak are “somewhat ideal.” I find this surprising. In fact, the article gained praise from fellow primitivist John Zerzan; he seemed to understand that I wasn’t making a traditional anarcho-communist argument, or as a leftist, or a social anarchist argument, but an argument for anarchy, i.e., a classless, self-managing society, without any rulers or hierarchy, in a more general sense. Primitivists, at least that I’ve read, make similar anthropological arguments that I might make to defend anarchism/ anarchy: most of human history has consisted of stateless societies, self-organizing autonomous communities that governed themselves (and many that still do) in a decentralized manner. While this may sound perfectly ideal, it’s also a historical observation about the way in which people organize without rulers or markets to dictate their lives.

I wasn’t saying what we need is a rigid plan to save all of humanity; I was making the point that the majority of the population, who without rulers, would likely have more autonomy over their lives, and make decisions about the land they use, rather than CEOs or politicians. And I was making the argument that those that own the means of production can afford to act suicidal and destroy the communities of others, when it doesn’t directly affect them in real time. In a true state of anarchy, obviously people would be incapable of such things. Otherwise, if there were some kind of warlords, or bullies who were bruiting abroad, doing as they wish to other folks’ communities, then this certainly wouldn’t be anarchy.

Nihilo also claims that what I suggest in the article in question, is that all people would get along, and vote similarly in an egalitarian society. Not so. First, I’ve been candid about majoritarian voting: I do not perceive it to be compatible with anarchism. I know this is contentious, and the details of this can be hashed out later, but I wanted to make the point that I am of the mind that majoritarian “democracy” is hierarchical and, in fact, authoritarian (you may send your hatemail directly to me, by the way). So, I didn’t mention anyone voting on anything.

There are a number of different techniques groups can informally reach consensus. Decentralized groups without social hierarchies, typically make decisions using some variant of consensus. I couldn’t give a good reason to romanticize one way to do it in particular, but there are some commonalities that differentiate consensus from voting: (1) the process doesn’t assume there will be a competition between radically different factions within a group, with whatever majority wins deciding things, (2) and consensus also assumes that a compromise will be made between participating members. Most consensus processes also include the power for one individual to block the decision, insofar as the decision stands diametrically opposed to the community or organization. Hence, this process, in all of its various forms, from completely informal to highly formalized, empowers group dynamics and the individual, unlike majoritarian voting.

Nihilo also says that “even free people in a far more egalitarian society could make horrible mistakes.” I certainly wouldn’t suggest otherwise. I guess the connotation here is that I suggested this in the article in question, which is a misunderstanding if so. What I suggest is that, from the bottom-up, self-managed communities that share responsibilities and decision-making power, are more likely to make decisions that do not destroy said communities and the surrounding environments. Take the example of Somalia, the failed state in Africa. The global bourgeoisie is treating the coastal waters like an aqua-landfill, dumping toxic waste off the coastal waters of Somalia, in turn killing off fisheries and destroying the means by which many Somalis make a living (i.e., fishing).

Western economic elites certainly wouldn’t do this in their own communities. In turn, their wealth is being expropriated by de-facto anarchist pirates, large vessels being hijacked by grassroots ex-fishermen in speedboats with AK 47s. If this isn’t poetic justice, I don’t know what is. But it’s doubtful that Somalis would choose this fate for themselves. While they are showing self-governance by taking part in direct action and expropriating the millions of dollars of ransom money from Western corporations and governments (and much to their admirable self-restraint, mostly nonviolently), it also shows communities with autonomy making more conscientious decisions for themselves, i.e., taking on the people who are destroying their community, instead of being complicit in the destruction.

But yes, certainly, it’s true, that self-governing communities are capable of re-establishing oppression, and environmental degradation. Again, I never implied this wasn’t a possiblity.

While I actually agree with a great deal of what Nihilo says in the article otherwise, the question of technology was bound to arise in Nihilo’s critique. Again, while not a primitivist, I primarily looked at societies that have “operated outside of what is called civilization.” Certainly a primitivist wouldn’t take issue with this, as the societies I mentioned largely live off of the land, do not operate in the authoritarian confines of markets, and lack industrialization. I chose to look at these stateless societies because they are still seemingly the best examples of self-governing, decentralized communities, that reach decisions without hierarchy or authority.

Yet, what I also mentioned is something I stand by: in a post-state/ capitalist society, in which communities had control over their own lives, some would choose to use technology en masse, whilst others would choose a more ecologically compatible existence, i.e., hunting and gathering, coupled with decentralized permaculture, or communes akin to eco-villages of present day (the writer acknowledges here that the ecovillage movement doesn’t seek to challenge capital in any meaningful way—there are anarchist connotations, however, like consensus decision-making, and real sustainability, coupled with autonomy). I must clarify here, and this is where the conversation gets tricky: when I speak of technophiles, the connotations are that I speak of people who will create weapons of mass destruction, and the like. Obviously, such a community would not be compatible with anarchy. There are certainly pro-technology anti-authoritarians that are against the existence nuclear weapons.

There’s no need to speak about what kind of technology might be utilized in a post-capitalist society; this would be decided by autonomous communities. But I imagine that with all of the hardware and residual crap developed through research and development, and then utilized by the bourgeoisie in order to earn surplus value, people will be tinkering with these gadgets, whether in pirated, off-the-grid ways, or creating new devices out of parts of all of this accumulated stuff, for a very long time to come. I’m not arguing that this is a good thing; there’s debris floating around in space, for god’s sake. There is litter, goods which have have built-in obsolescence and pieces of goods with built-in planned ob Hence, the notion that we could ever inhabit a world in which all of these techno gadgets disappear is, with respect, a bit idealistic.

So, I take the approach that technology will always be with us, whether utilized for wretched things, or noble endeavors. Now comes the differentiating factor from myself and a primitivist like Nihilo: I do perceive that horizontally-organized, autonomous communities, could harness a certain amount of technology, without destroying themselves, or the planet in the process. When I speak of “techno-topias,” this may consist of a community that harnesses solar energy, and utilizes all the leftover junk from market society to build elaborate networks of communication, etc. We might think of savvy, anti-authoritarian hackers voluntarily associating together. It’s doubtful that with all the knowledge they’ve acquired to combat the spectacle via the internet, or tapping into information systems to acquire information and sabotage the State, that they’ll completely jettison these tendencies in some hypothetical non-capitalist society. Should autonomous communities be free to be authoritarians? I would argue no. I guess Nihilo doesn’t see a possibility for a community of techno-geeks ever being benign, whereas I do.

Communities who are skeptical towards technology, which may embody individuals like Nihilo and hyper-techno-pessimists-who-aren’t-primitivists, myself included, and communities skeptical towards civilization, would be the assurance that tech junkies wouldn’t get out of control.

Nihilo correctly points out that it was the technologically-based society “ which has brought us Chernobyl, Nagasaki, and the potential for global thermonuclear war.” Certainly true. From here, many primitivists, including Nihilo, reach the conclusion that since technological advance could potentially destroy the entire planet, all technology should be abolished. We must remember how broad a category we’re discussing here. If a guitar is produced, or a toothbrush, or an abortion performed, is this anywhere near the same category as nuclear proliferation? Is the assumption that, in order to have a free society, we must abolish even those things in which we desire, even after planned obs disappears (which is only necessary if profit potential is available)? Might we be able to differentiate in some technology that has consequences (i.e., environmental degradation), but has beneficiaries for communities, insofar that this technology be utilized responsibly in a horizontal manner? Will a community be able to develop tools they need and desire, produce certain services like healthcare devices that assist in surgeries, without completely demolishing their environment, or developing weapons that could destroy the entire planet? I tend to be optimistic in this regard, another differentiating factor between primitivists like Nihilo and non-primitivists (not to be confused with anti-primitivists) like myself.

In this line of thinking, Nihilo mentions that seemingly harmless research can be utilized by tyrants and power to cause destruction and death. Here he discusses a recurring theme in the article: self restraint. Relying merely on self-restraint is not what I’m suggesting. Of course technological experimentation can be devastatingly dangerous. Here Nihilo seems to misunderstand my perceptions of communal autonomy. The connotation seems to be that I have suggested, per the article, that“the freedom to experiment in innate ignorance is more important to society than the grave threats potentially unleashed upon society.” Not so. I couldn’t think of a free society that would let individual groups do whatever they want, not considering the larger consequences of their actions.

This is, to me, what has been so attractive about the anarchist notion of autonomy, local control, coupled with federalism. From outside the milieu, many misunderstand local control and autonomy with no formal, federal government to suggest that communities could do whatever the hell they want, i.e., there may be fascist communities, warlords who plan to conquer surrounding communities, etc. This is, of course, not the case at all, and because webs of federalism would be promoted, such a community wouldn’t be tolerated. Hence, a community of technophiles that seeks to expand exponentially, or as Nihilo puts it, needs to extract more resources and dissect more things, wouldn’t be tolerated in such a hypothetical society. There would be no reason to tolerate them.

Because of this, it is unlikely that self-restraint would be the only motivating action influencing individuals, or individual groups, not to ravage the environment, build weapons that could destroy the planet, or attempt to expand civilization or technology exponentially. As I see it, it’s hard to imagine there wouldn’t be sanctions for such actions, even though we want a society without prisons or police (surely Nihilo and I would agree here!). What power-sharing, horizontalist, community would tolerate such actions? And if the community consists entirely of individuals who would want to perpetuate such models of endless expansion, nuclear warfare, and hyper technological advance (which I’m not naïve enough to think wouldn’t exist after some kind of revolutionary event), it would be surrounding communities’ responsibilities to combat this authoritarian convergence (this answers Nihilo’s question of what a primitivist segment of society must do to assure they do not become this). Different communities would, of course, create different means of resistance; it’s meaningless for me (or anyone, I’d argue) to tell us what resistance looks like, as groups of oppressed people have shown that they are adept at defining this themselves.

Nihilo critiques technology as being incompatible with anarchy for the reason it needs bureaucracy, leaders, and hierarchy. Science-fetishizing, techno-crazed societies certainly do require these things. But I’m not talking about this. Our main point of disagreement in the article can be summed up as this: I see it as a possibility that certain communities will utilize a certain amount of technology without destroying themselves or others, with respect for ecology, whereas Nihilo doesn’t see this as a possibility. I certainly think technology can be harnessed without leaders, hierarchy, or the division of labor. If we learn to harness solar energy in a meaningful way, for example, solar energy is doing most of the work. If solar panels are built to last, they are rarely built. An entire community could easily shape the way in which solar energy is utilized, how devices that harness solar energy is produced, and also has the final say in the decision-making process through face-to-face meetings, where details are hashed out. There’s no need for hierarchies, permanent divisions of labor, or leaders in this process.

To Conclude…

Nihilo seems comfortable enough describing what will be the path to a “healthy and sustainable future,” i.e., insurrectionary anarchist tactics leading to a transition to primitivism. Insurrection as a tool in the toolbox is certainly something I’m enthusiastic about. But an assumption that successful insurrection would lead to a homogenous society is, again, idealistic. I wouldn’t want to assume that if insurrections coupled with general strikes, occupations, sabotage, social revolution, and general self-liberation, brings the spectacle to its knees, that the result would be one kind of society. I won’t make that assumption. This was my general creed in the article coming back to the premise of this essay: some communities will, without a doubt, reject the primitivist program outright, while some will be enthusiastic about it. Moving towards a more ecumenical anarchy, a more “big tent” program seems to be the way to go. This dialogue is important, as it allows us to explore the possibilities of life after capitalism, and compare different ideas and prefigurations.

I was initially attracted to Marxism after I realized that social democracy and liberalism was a dead-end; capitalism, I discovered, was an ominous machine that sees us, the international proletarian, as so much fodder.

I eventually moved to the left of Marx, finding an anarchism a more well-rounded critique of authority, including the State, capital, patriarchy, familial relations, prisons/ police, heteronormativity, etc. Whereas anarchism seeks the no national borders, my hope is that this project rejects philosophical or theoretical borders, as well. We should not only question how we do politics or economics; we should question how we have sex, gentrification and race, how people are confined to groups with norms in regards to their age or how they perceive the world (i.e., people with so-called disabilities), how we interact with children, how we love each other, what to do about biodeterminism in regards to gender binaries, and how exactly we will transform ourselves and find liberation in real time. This is my hope for anarchism, that we can move beyond the so-called great thinkers and theorists, thrive off of our diversity, and not settle for official ideology. In this regard, comrades can dialogue about anti-civilization solutions and the Platform, or primitivism vis-a-vis social ecology. If you look at the big picture of both CrimethInc and the IWW, they’re both ultimately trying to create the new world in the here-and-now, whereas some try to paint them as being lifestylists and class struggle anarchists (i.e., syndicalists), respectively.

And I’ll close by saying I’m not a social anarchist in the traditional sense, so as to differentiate myself from the “lifestylist”; the late Murray Bookchin’s vitriol seems a bit unprecedented. Drop-outs, freaks, and pagans have plenty to offer, as do primitivists. We need a robust critique of capital and the State; we need class struggle. But equally important, we need a critique of endlessly expanding cityscapes, endless technological development, and environmental destruction, not to mention bourgeois, puritan concepts of morality. Green anarchists, anti-civ thinkers, and primitivists, comrades like Nihilo Zero, are invaluable here. Hopefully the civil dialogue can continue; I feel it’s a necessity in the anarchist milieu.

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Sometimes Good Guys Don’t Wear White

The Black Bloc conversation lacks nuance. Since the recent G20 Summit recently took place in Canada, this conversation has been sparked again.

Unfortunately, the conversation from all political sides lacks vision, clarity, and understanding. From Marxists and anarchists, to thinkers ranging from the snake oil salesman right-wing conspiracist Alex Jones, to thinkers I respect like Naomi Klein, everyone seems to be getting it wrong. The conversation hasn’t made it a centimeter below the surface, and it’s really one of the most superficial arguments I’ve heard in a long time.

The so-called “Left” is something in which I loose more faith in every day as a force that will combat the spectacle of market society and capitalism, including some anarchist and Marxist comrades. In regards to their superficiality, they don’t sound much different than mainstream media or right-wing hacks when they speak of agent provocateurs, and how burning cop cars or breaking windows hurts their precious movement, for whatever that means.

Further, while the right-wing conspiracist milieu perpetuates their baseless claims of agent provocateurs donned in ski-masks, the left-wing critics continue to talk about this entity referred to as “the public.” “The public,” in itself, is particularly hard to define in our society. David Graeber explains this:

[W]hat we call “the public” is created, produced, through specific institutions that allow specific forms of action—taking polls, watching television, voting, signing petitions or writing letters to elected officials or attending public hearings—and not others. [1]

If we take Graeber at his word, and I do in this regard, then we must assume that a grassroots, anti-capitalist movement that wants to see a world in which every form of domination is abolished, isn’t counted as “the public.”

Let’s forget about our perceptions of vandals perpetuating violence in ski-masks and answer a simple question: what is “Black Bloc”? One of the biggest misconceptions of Black Bloc outside of the anti-capitalist movement (but unfortunately there are still many misperceptions on the broader “left”) is that it is a tendency of anarchism, that it is a movement or a group, or that they are “violent.” Uri Gordon, Israeli professor and anarchist, writes:

A black bloc is an ad hoc tactical formation in which affinity groups and individuals cluster together, themselves against identification and to maintain a symbolism of anonymity as promoted by the EZLN (Marcos 1998). The tactic originates with the anti-fascist scene and first appeared in the United States during the protests against the Gulf War in 1991. [2]

Gordon’s perspective, both as someone who has studied the global anti-capitalist movement extensively and participated in it, is particularly good; he mentions both the Western European Autonomen social movements, and solidarity with the Zapatistas.

It may be worthwhile for some to consider the roots here, which are, in fact in the Western European Autonomen movement. While the movement didn’t specifically identify as “anarchist,” the Autonomen movement was anti-authoritarian, anti-statist, and anti-capitalist, and largely influenced the anarchism of present day. The most thorough work on the subject is perhaps Georgy Katsiaficas’ “The Subversion of Politics,” in which he discusses early Black Bloc formations as a counter to neo-fascism. Katsiaficas is a scholar who has done extensive work looking at the Western European Autonomen movement, which inspired both the Black Bloc tactic in the anarchist movement, and the trend to reclaim public space, and restore abandoned buildings, or squats. [3] Katsiaficas explains here the hidden history of the Autonomen, which may explain at least some of the confusion in regards to this tactic. Here he describes here an experience he had at MIT. Many seem to be in the dark (no pun intended) on the notion that this movement exists, or existed. Hence, the confusion in regards to the Black Bloc:

In 1989, after I made a detailed presentation at MIT to several hundred people on the Autonomen, which included slides and copies of their magazines. One member of the audience confronted me with the charge that I had invented the whole movement, contending that the events I described were simply part of [German left-wing political party] the Greens. [4]

In the photo section of “The Subversion of Politics,” the unofficial history of autonomous movements in Western Europe, there is an image of police seemingly about to clash with a sea of ski-masked donned Autonomen, which extends outside the borders of the image. This is an image of an anti-Reagan demonstration in Berlin, Germany, in 1987.

Katsiaficas also mentions an action standing in solidarity with an Autonomen woman, who was killed when cops chased her onto the highway, where she was struck by a car. Katsiaficas wrote that the Black Bloc, in the German city of Gottingen, “was two thousand strong, and when the peaceful demonstration ended, they attacked the police, ninety of whom were injured…” [5] This event occurred in 1989. To summarize, the Black Bloc tactic has been used for some twenty-plus years, has its origins in the anti-authoritarian autonomous movements in Western Europe that claimed their autonomy both from the social democratic, statist Left, and neo-fascism and capitalist society, and is also a homage to the anonymity promoted by the EZLN (The Zapatista National Liberation Army) [6].

There seem to be two main points of contention. I’ll primarily focus on the many upon many conversations I’ve overheard, participated in, and heard of from others, primarily amongst liberals and leftists. The two points of contention focus upon the issue of violence, and secondly, that the tactic doesn’t work, hinders progress in the movement, and invites agent provocateurs.

The issue of violence has been addressed ad nauseam in radical circles, but, for what it’s worth, it should probably be mentioned that the Black Bloc is largely nonviolent, in its North American variants vis-a-vis the Western European version for which Katsiaficas spoke, and this is for good reason. Graeber points out that in most large European cities

there are active fascist movements. They see anarchists, almost as much as immigrants, as their natural enemies. To be both openly anarchist and to live by a code of nonviolence, therefore, means to be willing to take one’s life into one’s hands on a daily basis—or at the very least, to know that one will probably be quite regularly beaten up. In the US [for example], most anarchists are lucky enough to live in places where they are relatively insulated from such dangers So, where a certain degree of violence is, in Europe, more or less expected, in the US [as in Canada], Black Blocs have been able to develop what might be considered the most aggressive possible version of nonviolence…Black Blocs do not attack living creatures. However, they are willing to empoy much more confrontational tactics than other activists: for example, linking arms to push back police lines, or…carrying along chain-link fences to push against them; erect practicing “unarrests” by snatching back arrestees from police lines and cutting off their cuffs. [7]

It seems that any credible definition of violence would largely concern physical coercion of others, which the Blac Bloc rarely takes part in, other than in occasional uses of self-defense when comrades are attacked by cops. Peter Gelderloos highlights the real violence committed, and obscured by burning cop cars and windows broken, during the G20 summit:

RBC can fund gentrification and oil drilling, British Petroleum can kill their workers and destroy the Gulf of Mexico, border guards can murder immigrants, cops can torture youths, the normal functioning of the Canadian economy can murder over three times as many people through workplace “accidents” as are claimed by homicides, but if protestors smash a bank window or light a cop car on fire, they are denounced as violent. [8]

This is a blatantly obvious observation for people who only perpetuate destruction against property, or against others in self-defense, but Gelderloos’ sentiment needs to be echoed in these most interesting of times, when the spectacles’ self-destructive, suicidal mission to exterminate and displace humans, while consuming the planet and shitting it out in the form of short-term gains, continues unquestioned, and black bloc tactics are still continuously critiqued as being violent. I don’t want to be so banal as to suggest that those who use the Black Bloc tactic are unwilling to participate in violence; the overwhelming majority of those that participate most likely are not pacifists, and acknowledge violence as a potential tool in the toolbox. But to make the claim that they are inherently violent, meaning that they attack unprovoked individual, using force to bring about physical harm, is farcical.

So, what about this question regarding it as being counter-productive, and a tactic that doesn’t work? We’d have to question what these critiques are asking. Are they asking if Black Bloc tactics alone can bring the spectacle to its knees, bring about total liberation, the abolition of domination and oppression, and a decentralized, free society? If this is what they mean by the tactic not working, they’d be correct. I’d give Black Bloc critics this, so as long as they realize, in the same vain, that general strikes, occupations, blockades, propaganda by deed, voting, marching, and signing petitions, also do not work according to this definition.

The Black Bloc tactic certainly works wonders, on the other hand, if one’s definition of “working” involves making a mockery of the spectacle, symbolically abolishing private property, committing creative sabotage, finding unity in anonymity with fellow alienated comrades who help to reclaim public space and find autonomy, and make an honest leap towards self-liberation. I have a feeling the critiques from the left, in particular, didn’t have this in mind, though.

The Black Bloc tactic deserves a serious look from all quarters of resistance; those involved manage to be autonomous pirates in a cityscape that has redefined desire to mean monetary gains, passion to mean obeying the rules, and meaning-as-commodity.

For the time they don black masks or bandanas, they get the opportunity to democratize the monoculture of the city streets, and expropriate not the means of production, but that stolen desire, the burning passion, and lost meaning. In the heat of the moment, if this is how we define it “working,” this tactic seems to go above and beyond.

Endnotes

1.David Graeber, Direct Action: An Ethnography, Oakland, AK Press, 2009.

2.Uri Gordon, Anarchy Alive: Anti-Authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory, London, Pluto Press, 2008

3.It should be mentioned that the early punk rock movement in Western Europe embraced squatting, too, and probably influenced the Autonomen movement and the anarchist movement, as there were/are many punk rockers involved in both movements.

4.Georgy Katsiaficas, The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life, Oakland, AK Press, 1997.

5.ibid.

6.I wouldn’t go out on a limb and say that everyone participating in the Black Bloc tactic in the US or North America is consciously standing in solidarity with the Zapatistas, but the EZLN has certainly had a broad impact on the anti-capitalist movement, particularly the anti-authoritarian milieu in US and Canada.

7.Graeber, ibid.

8.Peter Gelderloos, “Supporting the Prisoners of the G20 Police State,” available at http://anarchistnews.org/?q=node/11685

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A Non Euclidian View of California as A Cold Place to Be: by Ursula K. Le Guin

This is a beautiful essay written by Ursula K. Le Guin in 1982. I recently read it in the Spring 2010 issue of The Fifth Estate and found it very inspiring. Enjoy comrades:

Robert C. Elliott died in 1981 in the very noon of his scholarship, just after completing his book The Literary Persona. He was the truest of teachers, the kindest of friends. This paper was prepared to be read as the first in a series of lectures at his college of the University of California, San Diego, honoring his memory.

We use the French word lecture, “reading,” to mean reading and speaking aloud, a performance; the French call such a performance not a lecture but a conference. The distinction is interesting. Reading is a silent collaboration of reader and writer, apart; lecturing, a noisy collaboration of lecturer and audience, together. The peculiar patchwork form of this paper is my attempt to make it a “conference,” a performable work, a piece for voices. The time and place, a warm April night in La Jolla in 1982, are past, and the warm and noisy audience must be replaced by the gentle reader; but the first voice is still that of Bob Elliott.

In The Shape of Utopia, speaking of our modern distrust of utopia, he said,

If the word is to be redeemed, it will have to be by someone who has followed utopia into the abyss which yawns behind the Grand Inquisitor’s vision, and who then has clambered out on the other side.[1]

That is my starting point, that startling image; and my motto is:

Usà puyew usu wapiw!

We shall be returning to both, never fear; what I am about here is returning.

In the first chapter of The Shape of Utopia, Bob points out that in the great participatory festivals such as Saturnalia, Mardi Gras, or Christmas, the age of peace and equality, the Golden Age, may be lived in an interval set apart for it, a time outside of daily time. But to bring perfect communitas into the structure of ordinary society would be a job only Zeus could handle; or, “if one does not believe in Zeus’s good will, or even in his existence,” says Bob, it becomes a job for the mind of man.

Utopia is the application of man’s reason and his will to the myth [of the Golden Age], man’s effort to work out imaginatively what happens — or might happen — when the primal longings embodied in the myth confront the principle of reality. In this effort man no longer merely dreams of a divine state in some remote time: he assumes the role of creator.[2]

Now, the Golden Age, or Dream Time, is remote only from the rational mind. It is not accessible to euclidean reason; but on the evidence of all myth and mysticism, and the assurance of every participatory religion, it is, to those with the gift or discipline to perceive it, right here, right now. Whereas it is of the very essence of the rational or Jovian utopia that it is not here and not now. It is made by the reaction of will and reason against, away from, the here-and-now, and it is, as More said in naming it, nowhere. It is pure structure without content; pure model; goal. That is its virtue. Utopia is uninhabitable. As soon as we reach it, it ceases to be utopia. As evidence of this sad but ineluctable fact, may I point out that we in this room, here and now, are inhabiting utopia.

I was told as a child, and like to believe, that California was named “The Golden State” not just for the stuff Sutter found but for the wild poppies on its hills and the wild oats of summer. To the Spanish and the Mexicans I gather it was the boondocks; but to the Anglos it has been a true utopia: the Golden Age made accessible by willpower, the wild paradise to be tamed by reason; the place where you go free of the old bonds and cramps, leaving behind your farm and your galoshes, casting aside your rheumatism and your inhibitions, taking up a new “life style” in a not-here-not-now where everybody gets rich quick in the movies or finds the meaning of life or anyhow gets a good tan hang-gliding. And the wild oats and poppies still come up pure gold in cracks in the cement we have poured over utopia.

In “assuming the role of the creator” we seek what Lao Tzu calls “the profit of what is not,” rather than participating in what is. To reconstruct the world, to rebuild or rationalize it, is to run the risk of losing or destroying what in fact is.

After all, California was not empty when the Anglos came. Despite the efforts of the missionaries, it was still the most heavily populated region in North America.

What the Whites perceived as a wilderness to be “tamed” was in fact better known to human beings than it has ever been since: known and named. Every hill, every valley, creek, canyon, gulch, gully, draw, point, cliff, bluff, beach, bend, good-sized boulder, and tree of any character had its name, its place in the order of things. An order was perceived, of which the invaders were entirely ignorant. Each of those names named, not a goal, not a place to get to, but a place where one is: a center of the world. There were centers of the world all over California. One of them is a bluff on the Klamath River. Its name was Katimin. The bluff is still there, but it has no name, and the center of the world is not there. The six directions can meet only in lived time, in the place people call home, the seventh direction, the center.

But we leave home, shouting Avanti! and Westward Ho!, driven by our godlike reason, which chafes at the limited, intractable, unreasonable present, and yearns to free itself from the fetters of the past.

“People are always shouting they want to create a better future,” says Milan Kundera, in The Book of Laughter and Forgetting

It’s not true. The future is an apathetic void of no interest to anyone. The past is full of life, eager to irritate us, provoke and insult us, tempt us to destroy or repaint it. The only reason people want to be masters of the future is to change the past.[3]

And at the end of the book he talks to the interviewer about forgetting: forgetting is

The great private problem of man: death as the loss of the self. But what is this self? It is the sum of everything we remember. Thus, what terrifies us about death is not the loss of the future but the loss of the past.[4]

And so, Kundera says, when a big power wants to deprive a small one of its national identity, of its self-consciousness, it uses what he calls the “method of organized forgetting.”

And when a future-oriented culture impinges upon a present-centered one, the method becomes a compulsion. Things are forgotten wholesale. What are the names “Costanoan,” “Wappo”? They are what the Spanish called the people around the Bay Area and in the Napa Valley, but what those people called themselves we do not know: the names were forgotten even before the people were wiped out. There was no past. Tabula rasa.

One of our finest methods of organized forgetting is called discovery. Julius Caesar exemplifies the technique with characteristic elegance in his Gallic Wars. “It was not certain that Britain existed,” he says, “until I went there.”

To whom was it not certain? But what the heathen know doesn’t count. Only if godlike Caesar sees it can Britannia rule the waves.

Only if a European discovered or invented it could America exist. At least Columbus had the wit, in his madness, to mistake Venezuela for the outskirts of Paradise. But he remarked on the availability of cheap slave labor in Paradise.

The first chapter of California: An Interpretive History, by Professor Walton Bean, contains this paragraph:

The survival of a Stone Age culture in California was not the result of any hereditary biological limitations on the potential of the Indians as a “race.” They had been geographically and culturally isolated. The vast expanses of oceans, mountains, and deserts had sheltered California from foreign stimulation as well as from foreign conquest…

(being isolated from contact and protected from conquest are, you will have noticed, characteristics of utopia),

…and even within California the Indian groups were so settled that they had little contact with each other. On the positive side, there was something to be said for their culture just as it was…. The California Indians had made a successful adaptation to their environment and they had learned to live without destroying each other.[5]

Professor Bean’s excellent book is superior to many of its kind in the area of my particular interest: the first chapter. Chapter One of the American history — South or North America, national or regional — is usually short. Unusually short. In it, the “tribes” that “occupied” the area are mentioned and perhaps anecdotally described. In Chapter Two, a European “discovers” the area; and with a gasp of relief the historian plunges into a narration of the conquest, often referred to as settlement or colonization, and the acts of the conquerors. Since history has traditionally been defined by historians as the written record, this imbalance is inevitable. And in a larger sense it is legitimate; for the non-urban people of the Americas had no history, properly speaking, and therefore are visible only to the anthropologist, not to the historian, except as they entered into White history.

The imbalance is unavoidable, legitimate, and also, I believe, very dangerous. It expresses too conveniently the conquerors’ wish to deny the value of the cultures they destroyed, and dehumanize the people they killed. It partakes too much of the method of organized forgetting. To call this “the New World” — there’s a Caesarian birth!

The words “holocaust” and “genocide” are fashionable now; but not often are they applied to American history. We were not told in school in Berkeley that the history of California had the final solution for its first chapter. We were told that the Indians “gave way” before the “march of progress.”

In the introduction to The Wishing Bone Cycle, Howard A. Norman says:

The Swampy Cree have a conceptual term which I’ve heard used to describe the thinking of a porcupine as he backs into a rock crevice:

Usà puyew usu wapiw!

“He goes backward, looks forward.” The porcupine consciously goes backward in order to speculate safely on the future, allowing him to look out at his enemy or the new day. To the Cree, it’s an instructive act of self-preservation.[6]

The opening formula for a Cree story is “an invitation to listen, followed by the phrase ‘I go backward, look forward, as the porcupine does.’”[7]

In order to speculate safely on an inhabitable future, perhaps we would do well to find a rock crevice and go backward. In order to find our roots, perhaps we should look for them where roots are usually found. At least the Spirit of Place is a more benign one than the exclusive and aggressive Spirit of Race, the mysticism of blood that has cost so much blood. With all our self-consciousness, we have very little sense of where we live, where we are right here right now. If we did, we wouldn’t muck it up the way we do. If we did, our literature would celebrate it. If we did, our religion might be participatory. If we did — if we really lived here, now, in this present — we might have some sense of our future as a people. We might know where the center of the world is.

…Ideally, at its loftiest and most pure, the utopia aspires to (if it has never reached) the condition of the idyll as Schiller describes it — that mode of poetry which would lead man, not back to Arcadia, but forward to Elysium, to a state of society in which man would be at peace with himself and the external world.[8]

The California Indians had made a successful adaptation to their environment and they had learned to live without destroying each other.[9]

It was Arcadia, of course; it was not Elysium. I heed Victor Turner’s warning not to confuse archaic or primitive societies with the true communitas, “which is a dimension of all societies, past and present.”[10] I am not proposing a return to the Stone Age. My intent is not reactionary, nor even conservative, but simply subversive. It seems that the utopian imagination is trapped, like capitalism and industrialism and the human population, in a one-way future consisting only of growth. All I’m trying to do is figure out how to put a pig on the tracks.

Go backward. Turn and return.

If the word [utopia] is to be redeemed, it will have to be by someone who has followed utopia into the abyss which yawns behind the Grand Inquisitor’s vision.[11]

The utopia of the Grand Inquisitor

is the product of “the euclidean mind” (a phrase Dostoyevsky often used), which is obsessed by the idea of regulating all life by reason and bringing happiness to man whatever the cost.[12]

The single vision of the Grand Inquisitor perceives the condition of man in a way stated with awful clarity by Yevgeny Zamyatin, in We:

There were two in paradise, and the choice was offered to them: happiness without freedom, or freedom without happiness. No other choice.[13]

No other choice. Hear now the voice of Urizen!

Hidden, set apart in my stern counsels
Reserved for days of futurity,
I have sought for a joy without pain
For a solid without fluctuation…
Lo, I unfold my darkness and on
This rock place with strong hand the book
Of eternal brass, written in my solitude.
Laws of peace, of love, of unity,
Of pity, compassion, forgiveness.
Let each choose one habitation,
His ancient infinite mansion,
One command, one joy, one desire,
One curse, one weight, one measure
One King, One God, one Law.[14]

In order to believe in utopia, Bob Elliott said, we must believe

That through the exercise of their reason men can control and in major ways alter for the better their social environment…. One must have faith of a kind that our history has made nearly inaccessible.[15]

“When the Way is lost,” Lao Tzu observed in a rather similar historical situation a few thousand years earlier,

there is benevolence. When benevolence is lost, there is justice. When justice is lost there are the rites. The rites are the end of loyalty and good faith, the beginning of disorder.[16]

“Prisons,” said William Blake, “are built with stones of Law.”[17] And coming back to the Grand Inquisitor, we have Milan Kundera restating the dilemma of Happiness versus Freedom:

Totalitarianism is not only hell, but also the dream of paradise — the age-old dream of a world where everybody would live in harmony, united by a single common will and faith, without secrets from one another…. If totalitarianism did not exploit these archetypes, which are deep inside us all and rooted deep in all religions, it could never attract so many people, especially during the early phases of its existence. Once the dream of paradise starts to turn into reality, however, here and there people begin to crop up who stand in its way, and so the rulers of paradise must build a little gulag on the side of Eden. In the course of time this gulag grows ever bigger and more perfect, while the adjoining paradise gets ever smaller and poorer.[18]

The purer, the more euclidean the reason that builds a utopia, the greater is its self-destructive capacity. I submit that our lack of faith in the benevolence of reason as the controlling power is well founded. We must test and trust our reason, but to have faith in it is to elevate it to godhead. Zeus the Creator takes over. Unruly Titans are sent to the salt mines, and inconvenient Prometheus to the reservation. Earth itself comes to be the wart on the walls of Eden.

The rationalist utopia is a power trip. It is a montheocracy, declared by executive decree, and maintained by willpower; as its premise is progress, not process, it has no habitable present, and speaks only in the future tense. And in the end reason itself must reject it.

“O that I had never drank the wine nor eat the bread
Of dark mortality, nor cast my view into futurity, nor turned
My back darkening the present, clouding with a cloud,
And building arches high and cities, turrets and towers and domes
Whose smoke destroyed the pleasant garden, and whose running kennels
Choked the bright rivers….

Then go, O dark futurity! I will cast thee forth from these
Heavens of my brain, nor will I look upon futurity more.
I cast futurity away, and turn my back upon that void
Which I have made, for lo! futurity is in this moment….”

So Urizen spoke….

Then, glorious bright, exulting in his joy,
He sounding rose into the heavens, in naked majesty,
In radiant youth….[19]

That is certainly the high point of this paper. I wish we could follow Urizen in his splendid vertical jailbreak, but it is a route reserved to the major poets and composers. The rest of us must stay down here on the ground, walking in circles, proposing devious side trips, and asking impertinent questions. My question now is: Where is the place Coyote made?

In a paper about teaching utopia, Professor Kenneth Roemer says:

The importance of this question was forced upon me several years ago in a freshman comp course at the University of Texas at Arlington. I asked the class to write a paper in response to a hypothetical situation: if you had unlimited financial resources and total local, state, and national support, how would you transform Arlington, Texas into utopia? A few minutes after the class had begun to write, one of the students — a mature and intelligent woman in her late thirties — approached my desk. She seemed embarrassed, even upset. She asked, “What if I believe that Arlington, Texas, is utopia?”[20]

What do you do with her in Walden Two?

Utopia has been euclidean, it has been European, and it has been masculine. I am trying to suggest, in an evasive, distrustful, untrustworthy fashion, and as obscurely as I can, that our final loss of faith in that radiant sandcastle may enable our eyes to adjust to a dimmer light and in it perceive another kind of utopia. As this utopia would not be euclidean, European, or masculinist, my terms and images in speaking of it must be tentative and seem peculiar. Victor Turner’s antitheses of structure and communitas are useful to my attempt to think about it: structure in society, in his terms, is cognitive, communitas existential; structure provides a model, communitas a potential; structure classifies, communitas reclassifies; structure is expressed in legal and political institutions, communitas in art and religion.

Communitas breaks in through the interstices of structure, in liminality; at the edges of structure, in marginality; and from beneath structure, in inferiority. It is almost everywhere held to be sacred or “holy,” possibly because it transgresses or dissolves the norms that govern structured or institutionalized relationships and is accompanied by experiences of unprecedented potency.[21]

Utopian thought has often sought to institutionalize or legislate the experience of communitas, and each time it has done so it has run up against the Grand Inquisitor.

The activities of a machine are determined by its structure, but the relation is reversed in organisms — organic structure is determined by its processes.[22]

That is Fritjof Capra, providing another useful analogy. If the attempt to provide a structure that will ensure communitas is impaled on the horns of its own dilemma, might one not abandon the machine model and have a go at the organic — permitting process to determine structure? But to do is to go even further than the Anarchists, and to risk not only being called by being in fact regressive, politically naïve, Luddite, and anti-rational. Those are real dangers (though I admit that the risk of being accused of not being in the Main Current of Western Thought is one I welcome the opportunity to run). What kind of utopia can come out of these margins, negations, and obscurities?[23] Who will even recognize it as a utopia? It won’t look the way it ought to. It may look very like some kind of place Coyote made after having a conversation with his own dung.

The symbol which Trickster embodies is not a static one.

Paul Radin speaking. You will recall that the quality of static perfection is an essential element of the non-inhabitability of the euclidean utopia (a point that Bob Elliott discusses with much cogency).

The symbol which Trickster embodies is not a static one. It contains within itself the promise of differentiation, the promise of god and man. For this reason every generation occupies itself with interpreting Trickster anew. No generation understands him fully but no generation can do without him…for he represents not only the undifferentiated and distant past, but likewise the undifferentiated present within every individual…. If we laugh at him, he grins at us. What happens to him happens to us.[24]

And he never was in Eden, because coyotes live in the New World. Driven forth by the angel with the flaming sword, Eve and Adam lifted their sad heads and saw Coyote, grinning.

Non-European, non-euclidean, non-masculinist: they are all negative definitions, which is all right, but tiresome; and the last is unsatisfactory, as it might be taken to mean that the utopia I’m trying to approach could only be imagined by women — which is possible — or only inhabited by women — which is intolerable. Perhaps the word I need is yin.

Utopia has been yang. In one way or another, from Plato on, utopia has been the big yang motorcycle trip. Bright, dry, clear, strong, firm, active, aggressive, lineal, progressive, creative, expanding, advancing, and hot.

Our civilization is now so intensely yang that any imagination of bettering its injustices or eluding its self-destructiveness must involve a reversal.

The ten thousand things arise together
and I watch their return.
They return each to its root.
Returning to one’s roots is known as stillness.
Returning to one’s destiny is known as the constant.
Knowledge of the constant is known as discernment.
To ignore the constant
is to go wrong, and end in disorder.[25]

To attain the constant, we must return, go round, go inward, go yinward. What would a yin utopia be? It would be dark, wet, obscure, weak, yielding, passive, participatory, circular, cyclical, peaceful, nurturant, retreating, contracting, and cold.

Now on the subject of heat and cold: a reference in The Shape of Utopia sent me to a 1960 lecture by M. Lévi-Strauss, “The Scope of Anthropology,” which so influenced my efforts to think out this paper that I wish to quote from it at some length, with apologies to those of you to whom the passage[26] is familiar. He is speaking of “primitive” societies.

Although they exist in history, these societies seem to have worked out or retained a certain wisdom which makes them desperately resist any structural modification which might afford history a point of entry into their lives. The societies which have best protected their distinctive character appear to be those concerned above all with persevering in their existence.

Persevering in one’s existence is the particular quality of the organism; it is not a progress towards achievement, followed by stasis, which is the machine’s mode, but an interactive, rhythmic, and unstable process, which constitutes an end in itself.

The way in which they exploit the environment guarantees them a modest standard of living as well as the conservation of natural resources. Though various, their rules of marriage reveal to the demographer’s eye a common function; to set the fertility rate very low, and to keep it constant. Finally, a political life based upon consent, and admitting of no decisions but those arrived at unanimously, would seem designed to preclude the possibility of calling on that driving force of collective life which takes advantage of the contrast between power and opposition, majority and minority, exploiter and exploited.

Lévi-Strauss is about to make his distinction between the “hot” societies, which have appeared since the Neolithic Revolution, and in which “differentiations between castes and between classes are urged without cease, in order that social change and energy may be extracted from them,” and the “cold” societies, self-limited, whose historical temperature is pretty near zero.

The relevance of this beautiful piece of anthropological thinking to my subject is immediately proven by Lévi-Strauss himself, who in the next paragraph thanks Heaven that anthropologists are not expected to predict man’s future, but says that if they were, instead of merely extrapolating from our own “hot” society, they might propose a progressive integration of the best of the “hot” with the best of the “cold.”

If I understand him, this unification would involve carrying the Industrial Revolution, already the principal source of social energy, to its logical extreme: the completed Electronic Revolution. After this, change and progress would be strictly cultural and, as it were, machine-made.

With culture having integrally taken over the burden of manufacturing process, society…, placed outside and above history, could once more assume that regular and as it were crystalline structure, which the surviving primitive societies teach us is not antagonistic to the human condition.

The last phrase, from that austere and somber mind, is poignant.

As I understand it, Lévi-Strauss suggests that to combine the hot and the cold is to transfer mechanical operational modes to machines while retaining organic modes for humanity. Mechanical process; biological rhythm. A kind of superspeed electronic yang train, in whose yin pullmans and dining cars life is serene and the rose on the table does not even tremble. What worries me in this model is the dependence upon the cybernetics as the integrating function. Who’s up in the engineer’s seat? Is it on auto? Who wrote the program — old Nobodaddy Reason again? Is it another of those trains with no brakes?

It may simply be the bad habits of my mind that see in this brief utopian glimpse a brilliant update of an old science-fiction theme: the world where robots do the work while the human beings sit back and play. These were always satirical works. The rule was that either an impulsive young man wrecked the machinery and saved humanity from stagnation, or else the machines, behaving with impeccable logic, did away with the squashy and superfluous people. The first and finest of the lot, E. M. Forster’s “The Machine Stops,” ends on a characteristic double chord of terror and promise: the machinery collapses, the crystalline society is shattered with it, but outside there are free people — how civilized, we don’t know, but outside and free.

We’re back to Kundera’s wart on the walls of Eden — the exiles from paradise in whom the hope of paradise lies, the inhabitants of the gulag who are the only free souls. The information systems of the train are marvelous, but the tracks run through Coyote country.

In ancient times the Yellow Emperor first used benevolence and righteousness and meddled with the minds of men. Yao and Shun followed him and worked till there was no more hair on their shins…in the practice of benevolence and righteousness, taxed their blood and breath in the establishment of laws and standards. But still some would not submit to their rule, and had to be exiled, driven away…. The world coveted knowledge,…there were axes and saws to shape things, ink and plumblines to trim them, mallets and gouges to poke holes in them, and the world, muddled and deranged, was in great confusion.[27]

That is Chuang Tzu, the first great Trickster of philosophy, sending a raspberry to the Yellow Emperor, the legendary model of rational control. Things were hot in Chuang Tzu’s day, too, and he proposed a radical cooling off. The best understanding, he said, “rests in what it cannot understand. If you do not understand this, then Heaven the Equalizer will destroy you.”[28][29]

Having copied out this sentence, I obeyed, letting my understanding rest in what it could not understand, and went to the I Ching. I asked that book please to describe a yin utopia for me. It replied with Hexagram 30, the doubled trigram Fire, with a single changing line in the first place taking me to Hexagram 56, the Wanderer. The writing of the rest of this paper and the revisions of it were considerably influenced by a continuing rumination of those texts.

If utopia is a place that does not exist, then surely (as Lao Tzu would say) the way to get there is by the way that is not a way. And in the same vein, the nature of the utopia I am trying to describe is such that if it is to come, it must exist already.

I believe that it does:[30] most clearly as an element in such deeply unsatisfactory utopian works as Hudson’s A Crystal World or Aldous Huxley’s Island. Indeed Bob Elliott ended his book on utopia with a discussion of Island. Huxley’s “extraordinary achievement,” he says, “is to have made the old utopian goal — the central human goal — thinkable once more.”[31] Those are the last words of the book. It is very like Bob that they should not be the closing but the opening of a door.

The major utopic element in my novel The Dispossessed is a variety of pacifist anarchism, which is about as yin as a political ideology can get. Anarchism rejects the identification of civilization with the state, and the identification of power with coercion; against the inherent violence of the “hot” society it asserts the value of such antisocial behavior as the general refusal of women to bear arms in war; and other coyote devices. In these areas anarchism and Taoism converge both in matter and manner, and so I came there to play my fictional games. The structure of the book may suggest the balance-in-motion and rhythmic recurrence of the Tai Chi, but its excess yang shows: though the utopia was (both in fact and in fiction) founded by a woman, the protagonist is a man; and he dominates in it, I must say, a very masculine fashion. Fond as I am of him, I’m not going to let him talk here. I want to hear a different voice. This is Lord Dorn, addressing the Council of his country, on June 16, 1906. He is talking not to, but about, us.

With them the son and the father are of different civilizations and are strangers to each other. They move too fast to see more than the surface glitter of a life too swift to be real. They are assailed by too many new things ever to find the depths in the old before it has gone by. The rush of life past them they call progress, though it is too rapid for them to move with it. Man remains the same, baffled and astonished, with a heap of new things around him but gone before he knows them. Men may live many sorts of lives, and this they call “opportunity,” and believe opportunity good without ever examining any one of those lives to know if it is good. We have fewer ways of life and most of us never know but one. It is a rich way, and its richness we have not yet exhausted…. They cannot be blamed for seeing nothing good in us that will be destroyed by them. The good we have they do not understand, or even see.[32]

Now, this speech might have been made in the council of any non-Western nation or people at the time of its encounter with Europeans in numbers. This could be a Kikuyu talking, or a Japanese — and certainly Japan’s decision to Westernize was in the author’s mind — and it is almost painfully close to the observations of Black Elk, Standing Bear, Plenty-Coups, and other native North American spokesmen.

Islandia is not a hot but a warm society: it has a definite though flexible class hierarchy, and has adopted some elements of industrial technology; it certainly has and is conscious of its history, though it has not yet entered into world history, mainly because, like California, it is geographically marginal and remote. In this central debate at the Council of Islandia, the hinge of the book’s plot and structure, a deliberate choice is made to get no hotter: to reject the concept of progress as a wrong direction, and to accept perservering in one’s existence as a completely worthy social goal.

In how many other utopias is this choice rationally propounded, argued, and made?

It is easy to dismiss Islandia as a mere fantasy of the Golden Age, naively escapist or regressive. I believe it is a mistake to do so, and that the options it offers are perhaps more realistic and more urgent than those of most utopias.

Here is M. Lévi-Strauss once more, this time on the subject of viruses:

The reality of a virus is almost of an intellectual order. In effect, its organism is reduced practically to the genetic formula that it injects into simple or complex beings, thus forcing their cells to betray their characteristic formula in order to obey its own and to manufacture beings like itself.

In order for our civilization to appear, the previous and simultaneous existence of other civilizations was necessary. And we know, since Descartes, that its originality consists essentially of a method which, because of its intellectual nature, is not suited to generating other civilizations of flesh and blood, but one which can impose its formula on them and force them to become like it. In comparison with these civilizations — whose living art expersses their corporeal quality because it relates to very intense beliefs and, in its conception as much as in its execution, to a certain state of equilibrium between man and nature — does our own civilization correspond to an animal or a viral type?[33]

This is the virus that Lord Dorn saw carried by the most innocent tourist from Europe or the United States: a plague against which his people had no immunity. Was he wrong?

Any small society that tried to make Lord Dorn’s choice has, in fact, been forcibly infected; and the big, numerous civilizations — Japan, India, and now China — have either chosen to infect themselves with the viral fever or have failed to make any choice, all too often mixing the most exploitive features of the hot world with the most passive of the cold in a way that almost guarantees the impossibility of their persevering in their own existence of allowing local nature to continue in health. I wanted to speak of Islandia because I know no other utopian work that takes for its central intellectual concern this matter of “Westernization” or “progress,” which is perhaps the central fact of our times. Of course the book provides no answer or solution; it simply indicates the way that cannot be gone. It is an enantiodroma, a reculer pour mieux sauter, a porcupine backing into a crevice. It goes sideways. That’s very likely why it gets left out of the survey courses in Utopian Lit. But side trips and reversals are precisely what minds stuck in forward gear most need, and in its very quality of forswearing “futurity,” of standing aside — and of having been left aside – Islandia is, I suggest, a valuable as well as an endearing book.

It is to some degree a Luddite book as well; and I am forced to now ask: Is it our high technology that gives our civilization its invasive, self-replicating, mechnical forward drive? In itself, and technology is “infectious” only as other useful or impressive elements of culture are; ideas, institutions, fashions too, may be self-replicating and irresistably imitable. Obviously, technology is an essential element of all cultures and very often, in the form of potsherds or bits of styrofoam, all they leave behind in time. It is far too basic to all civilizations to be characterized in itself as either yin or yang, I think. But at this time, here and now, the continuously progressing character of our technology, and the continuous change that depends upon it — “the manufacture of progress,” as Lévi-Strauss called it — is the principal vehicle of the yang, or “hotness,” of our society.

One need not smash one’s typewriter and go bomb the laundromat, after all, because one has lost faith in the continuous advance of technology as the way towards utopia. Technology remains, in itself, an endless creative source. I only wish that I could follow Lévi-Strauss in seeing it as leading from the civilization that turns men into machines to “the civilization that will turn machines into men.”[34] But I cannot. I do not see how even the most ethereal technologies promised by electronics and information theory can offer more than the promise of the simplest tool: to make life materially easier, to enrich us. That is a great promise and gain! But if this enrichment of one type of civilization occurs only at the cost of the destruction of the planet, then it seems fairly clear to me that to count upon technological advance for anything but technological advance is a mistake. I have not been convincingly shown, and seem to be totally incapable of imagining for myself, how any further technological advance of any kind will bring us any closer to being a society predominantly concerned with preserving its existence; a society with a modest standard of living, conservative of natural resources, with a low constant fertility rate and a political life based upon consent; a society that has made a successful adaptation to its environment and has learned to live without destroying itself or the people next door. But that is the society I want to be able to imagine — I must be able to imagine, for one does not get on without hope.

What are we offered by way of hope? Models, plans, blueprints, wiring diagrams. Prospects of ever more inclusive communications systems linking virus to virus all over the globe — no secrets, as Kundera says. Little closed orbiting test-tubes full of viruses, put up by the L-5 Society, in perfect obedience to our compulsion to, as they say, “build the future” — to be Zeus, to have power over what happens, to control. Knowledge is power, and we want to know what comes next, we want it all mapped out.

Coyote country has not been mapped. The way that cannot be gone is not in the road atlas, or is every road in the atlas.

In the Handbook of the Indians of California, A. L. Kroeber wrote, “The California Indians…usually refuse pointblank to make even an attempt [to draw a map], alleging utter inability.”[35]

The euclidean utopia is mapped; it is geometrically organized, with the parts labeled a, a’, b: a diagram or model, which social engineers can follow and reproduce. Reproduction, the viral watchword.

In the Handbook, discussing the so-called Kuksu Cult or Kuksu Society — a clustering of rites and observances found among the Yuki, Pomo, Maidu, Wintu, Miwok, Costanoan, and Esselen peoples of Central California — Kroeber observed that our use of the terms “the cult” or “a society,” our perception of a general or abstract entity, Kuksu, falsifies the native perception:

The only societies were those of the town unit. They were not branches, because there was no parent stem. Our method, in any such situation, religious or otherwise, is to constitute a central and superior body. Since the day of the Roman empire and the Christian church, we hardly think of a social activity except as it is coherently organized into a definite unit definitely subdivided.

But it must be recognized that such a tendency is not an inherent and inescapable one of all civilization. If we are able to think socially only in terms of an organized machine, the California native was just as unable to think in those terms.

When we recall with how slender a machinery and how rudimentary an organization the whole business of Greek civilization was carried out, it becomes easily intelligible that the…Californian could dispense with almost all endeavors in this direction, which to us seem vital.[36]

Copernicus told us that the earth was not the center. Darwin told us that man is not the center. If we listened to the anthropologists we might hear them telling us, with appropriate indirectness, that the White West is not the center. The center of the world is a bluff on the Klamath River, a rock in Mecca, a hole in the ground in Greece, nowhere, its circumference everywhere.

Perhaps the utopist should heed this unsettling news at last. Perhaps the utopist would do well to lose the plan, throw away the map, get off the motorcycle, put on a very strange-looking hat, bark sharply three times, and trot off looking thin, yellow, and dingy across the desert and up into the digger pines.

I don’t think we’re ever going to get to utopia again by going forward, but only roundabout or sideways; because we’re in a rational dilemma, an either/or situation as perceived by the binary computer mentality, and neither the either nor the or is a place where people can live. Increasingly often in these increasingly hard times I am asked by people I respect and admire, “Are you going to write books about the terrible injustice and misery of our world, or are you going to write escapist and consolatory fantasies?” I am urged by some to do one — by some to do the other. I am offered the Grand Inquisitor’s choice. Will you choose freedom without happiness, or happiness without freedom? The only answer one can make, I think is: No.

Back round once more. Usà puyew usu wapiw!

If the word [utopia] is to be redeemed, it will have to be by someone who has followed utopia into the abyss which yawns behind the Grand Inquisitor’s vision, and who then has clambered out on the other side.[37]

Sounds like Coyote to me. Falls into things, traps, abysses, and then clambers out somehow, grinning stupidly. Is it possible that we are in fact no longer confronting the Grand Inquisitor? Could he be the Father Figure whom we have set up before us? Could it be that by turning around we can put him behind us, and leave him staring like Ozymandias King of Kings out across the death camps, the gulags, the Waste Land, the uninhabitable kingdom of Zeus, the binary-option, single-vision country where one must choose between happiness and freedom?

If so, then we are in the abyss behind him. Not out. A typical Coyote predicament. We have got ourselves into a really bad mess and have got to get out; and we have to be sure that it’s the other side we get out to; and when we do get out, we shall be changed.

I have no idea who we will be or what it may be like on the other side, though I believe there are people there. They have always lived there. There are songs they sing there; one of the songs is called “Dancing at the edge of the world.” If we, clambering up out of the abyss, ask questions of them, they won’t draw maps, alleging utter inability; but they may point. One of them might point in the direction of Arlington, Texas. I live there, she says. See how beautiful it is!

This is the New World! we will cry, bewildered but delighted. We have discovered the New World!

Oh no, Coyote will say. No, this is the old world. The one I made.

You made it for us! we will cry, amazed and grateful.

I wouldn’t go so far as to say that, says Coyote.

Footnotes

[1]^ Robert C. Elliott, The Shape of Utopia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 100.

[2]^ Ibid., pp. 8, 9.

[3]^ Milan Kundera, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, trans. Michael Henry Heim (New York: Penguin Books, 1981), p. 22.

[4]^ Ibid., pp. 234-35.

[5]^ Walton Bean, California: An Interpretive History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968), p. 4.

[6]^ Howard A. Norman, introduction to The Wishing Bone Cycle (New York: Stonehill Publishing Co., 1979)..

[7]^ Ibid.

[8]^ Elliott, p. 107.

[9]^ Bean, p. 4.

[10]^ Victor W. Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1969), p. 129.

[11]^ Elliott, p. 100.

[12]^ Ibid.

[13]^ Quoted in Elliott, p. 94.

[14]^ William Blake, The Book of Urizen, lines 52-55, 75-84.

[15]^ Elliott, p. 87.

[16]^ Lao Tzu, Tao Teh Ching, Book II, Chapter 38.

[17]^ William Blake, The Marriage of Heaven and Hell, Book III, Proverbs of Heaven and Hell, line 21.

[18]^ Kundera, p. 233.

[19]^ William Blake, Vala, or the Four Zoas, Book IX, lines 162-167, 178-181, 186, 189-191.

[20]^ Kenneth Roemer, “Using Utopia to Teach the Eighties,” World Future Society Bulletin (July-August 1980).

[21]^ Turner, p. 128.

[22]^ Fritjof Capra, The Turning Point (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1982). Excerpted in Science Digest (April 1982), p. 30.

[23]^ When I was struggling with the writing of this piece, I had not read the four volumes of Robert Nichols’ Daily Lives in Nghsi-Altai (New York: New Directions, 1977-79). I am glad that I had not, because my thoughts could not then have so freely and fecklessly coincided, collided, and intersected with his. My paper would have been written in the consciousness of the existence of Nghsi-Altai, as Pierre Menard’s Quixote was written in the consciousness of the existence of Cervantes’ Quixote and might have been even more different from what it is than Menard’s Quixote from Cervantes’. But it can be and I hope will be read in the consciousness of the existence of Nghsi-Altai; and the fact that Nghsi-Altai is in some respects the very place I was laboriously trying to get to, and yet lies in quite the opposite direction, can only enlarge the use and meaning of my work. Indeed, if this note leads some readers to go find Nghsi-Altai for themselves, the whole thing will have been worthwhile.

[24]^ Paul Radin, The Trickster (New York: Philosophical Library, 1956), p. 168.

[25]^ Lao Tzu, Book I, Chapter 16.

[26]^ Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Scope of Anthropology (London: Jonathan Cape, 1968), pp. 46-47. Also included in Structural Anthropology II (New York: Basic Books, 1976), pp. 28-30. The version here is my own amalgam of the two translations.

[27]^ The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, trans. Burton Watson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), p. 116.

[28]^ Ibid., p. 254.

[29]^ “Heaven the Equalizer” was translated by James Legge as “the Lathe of Heaven,” a fine phrase, from which I have got considerable mileage; but Joseph Needham has gently pointed out to me that when Chuang Tzu was writing the Chinese had not yet invented the Lathe. Fortunately we now have Burton Watson’s wonderfully satisfying translation to turn to.

[30]^ In Nghsi-Altai — partly.

[31]^ Elliott, p. 153.

[32]^ Austin Tappan Wright, Islandia (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1942), p. 490.

[33]^ Lévi-Strauss, “Art in 1985,” in Structural Anthropology II, p. 283.

[34]^ Lévi-Strauss, Scope of Anthropology, p. 49.

[35]^ Alfred L. Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin no. 78 (Washington, D. C., 1925), p. 344.

[36]^ Ibid., p. 374.

[37]^ Elliott, p. 100.

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Anarchy Would Most Likely Prevent BP Oil Disaster

I’m of the belief that the BP oil disaster in the Gulf of Mexico wouldn’t have occurred if we were living in an anarchist society. I must first explain what I mean by an anarchist society: a society living in a state of anarchy, that is, a society in which no one has power over others, society itself holds power horizontally, decisions are made by autonomous communities that form webs of federalism and voluntary cooperation, and economic and social institutions would be under the control of said communities, with the goal of serving the social good.

First off, since so many folks are negatively impacted by the extraction of fossil fuels, whether it be coal or oil used for electricity and petroleum production respectively, an anarchist society probably would have moved on from this anachronistic technology. Different communities might deal with this in a variety of manners. Some societies might take to living off the land, shunning the “values” of Western civilization, i.e., nature is something for which we must dominate and exploit, so as to perpetuate our cushy lifestyles. Some technofiles may live in small-scale technopias, developing their own gadgets and software, whereas most might fall in between and acknowledge that technology can be harnessed for the social good, but there are massive limitations. But let’s work with the premise that this hypothetical anarchist society hasn’t moved on from using oil yet.

There were very few beneficiaries to having a deregulatory economic system which allowed BP to drill in the Gulf without having adequate means to correct a disaster like this. Those beneficiaries are obvious: the capitalists that make millions upon millions of dollars off of BP stock, CEOs, and speculators, i.e., less than one percent of the population, or what Marx would’ve called the bourgeoise. Fishers, swimmers, wildlife, residents of Florida, and of course, the rest of the human population that need a healthy ocean to survive, of course, seek no gain in a private entity having no regulation, and drilling a mile under the ocean without having proper means to quell a disaster. I argue that if a non-hierarchical council formed by a pool of rotating members from a popular assembly in communities close to where the spill occurred had a fair amount of control of the decision-making process, a less insane practice would entail.

If, say, BP was a workers’ control firm (which in this writer’s opinion wouldn’t make it any less brutal or wretched), and the ocean was considered the commons, i.e., land collectively “owned” by all, or none, depending upon how you refer to look at it, it’s doubtful that a directly democratic decision-making process would have given this firm the go-ahead with full disclosure of what would be done to the ocean.

The most obvious set of circumstances would be that the first step of planning such an operation would be to have a full-proof emergency plan so the local ecosystem, which sustains individuals who live in said region, is not devastated in such an event. As mentioned,, perhaps such oil drilling wouldn’t even occur in such a community if it were self-governed n a horizontal manner. We know from experiences like Hurricane Katrina, and other times of great unrest, humans prefer mutual aid to self-destruction.

In this paper, I want to make a case for my premise, that the likelihood of such a disaster occurring in an anarchist society is non-existent, as well as discuss the facts of this particular case and why it affects so many folks who were left out of the decision-making process. I also want to argue that the latter point is particularly due to the hegemony of market society (i.e. capitalism), and also, formal governments who help perpetuate market society and capitalism.

Obviously, as an anarchist, I’m biased that a state of anarchy, in which communities were empowered and took part in decision-making that affected their lives, and individuals have control over their own destinies, that mutual aid, cooperation, and free association would be commonplace, as opposed to domination of the many by the few. I obviously cannot provide the reader empirical data that states that an anarchist society would not be faced with such a disaster, but I’m not operating on a leap of faith: a great majority of stateless societies, whether those indigenous societies that operated outside of what is called civilization, or those stateless societies that consciously escape the bureaucracy and damning hierarchies of nation-states, bourgeois morality, and capitalism, operate according to principles of mutual aid, cooperation, free association, and solidarity–that is, anarchist principles.

The Oil Spill and its Social Costs

A common complaint of capitalism (and a particularly obvious one) is that it is an economic system in which the social costs are never calculated. In his new book (while not particularly radical in its conclusions) “The Value of Nothing,” Patel reports on this fact with forensic detail by uncovering the un-calculated costs of Big Macs:

According to one estimate, the energy cost of the 550 million Big Macs sold in the United States every year is $297 million, producing a greenhouse gas footprint of 2.66 billion pounds of CO2 equivalent… [W]e might add to the broader environmental impact in terms of both water use and soil degradation, together with the hidden health costs of treating diet related illness such as diabetes and heart disease.

While none of these costs are reflected in the drive-thru price of a Big Mac, they still have to be paid by someone… [T]hey are not paid by the McDonald’s Corporation but by society as a whole, when we pay the costs of environmental disasters, climate-change-related migration and higher health care costs. According to a report by the Centre for Science and the Environment in India, a burger grown from beef raised on clear-cut forest should really cost about two hundred dollars. [1]

So a liberal, reformist, or statist response to the social cost of a cheap hamburger that actually costs society a great deal might be Big Mac cessation all together (certainly not a bad idea ), charge more for the Big Mac to cover more of the social costs (which certainly isn’t in the interest of McDonald’s, who has established itself as a place where working class Americans can get a cheap, tasty bite after a long, hard day of work), or McDonald’s can be taxed by the federal government in a progressive manner to cover the environmental degradation caused by the corporation.

What these well-meaning folks should consider is that McDonald’s probably wouldn’t exist if there were democratic measures that protected the land which was leveled to grow livestock for the burgers, if communities could determine whether or not a McDonald’s would set up shop in their neighborhoods, or if people willing to grow livestock and produce actually had control over their means of production-that is, industrial agriculture, which destroys many small farmers’ way of life, might itself be a remnant of the past. In other words the solution to a fast food mecca destroying the planet via gluttonous platters of tasty death, is not in social democracy; it’s in anarchy. After all, it is the U.S. Federal government that assures capitalism can carve out monopolies like McDonald’s, through guaranteeing corporations like this monopolies on land through private property “rights.”

What in the hell does Big Mac production have to do with the BP crisis and thousands of barrels of oil being emptied into the Gulf of Mexico daily? Well, they both are onslaughts on our finite environment, and they are both actions perpetuated by entities which only considered/consider short-term gain, i.e., profit, and have passed on a large social cost by their actions. Let us look further at what has already happened to the finite ecosystems that we are intimately connected to, and the affects the oil spill is already having on humans and other animals.

The Gulf of Mexico is a critical part of our interconnected ecosystems spanning the planet. Marine biologist Carl Safina explains the devastation caused on the marine life, particularly bluefin tuna:

[T]his is not just a regional disaster, although it certainly is, but that the Gulf of Mexico is a tremendous engine of life and also a tremendous concentration zone, where animals from the whole open Atlantic Ocean funnel into the Gulf for breeding and millions of animals cross the Gulf and concentrate there on their northward migration and then fan out to populate much of North America and the Canadian Arctic, the East Coast, the Canadian Maritime…

[B]uefin tuna that occupy most of the North Atlantic Ocean have two separate breeding populations. One breeds in the Mediterranean. The other breeds in the Gulf. So all the tuna that populate the East Coast, the Canadian Maritimes, the Gulfstream, even that go as far as the North Sea, many of those are from the western population and breed only in the Gulf of Mexico. This is their breeding season. They’ve just about finished now. And their eggs and larvae are drifting around in a toxic soup of oil and dispersant. [2]

Hence, it is not just the oil that is wreaking havoc on the Gulf of Mexico, but also the dispersant, called Corexit, which is a toxic pollutant that “has greatly exacerbated the situation.” [3]

Further, there has already been a cost to the human populations in surrounding areas. Of course, being lost in the ecocide being committed in the Gulf of Mexico is the fact that Karl Kleppinger, Jr., Jason Anderson, Stephen Curtis, Dewey Revette, Adam Weise, Gordon Jones, Aaron Burkeen, Blair Manuel, Donald Clark, Shane Roshto, and Roy Wyatt Kemp, paid for BP’s short-term profit maximizing with their lives; they were working on the ship when the explosion occurred. This brings to mind that capitalism kills many workers annually, and gives them a false choice of working, or living in destitution, perhaps starvation.

We needn’t create dichotomies like either eco-struggle are class-struggle; there is but one struggle, that against authoritarian hierarchy, oppression, and domination, which is at the root of all forms of authority. It is worth mentioning that the 11 workers killed in the BP disaster join a pool of many more. In the United States daily, on average, “16 workers go to work and don’t come home. They are killed on the job.” [4]

Further, the penalties for bosses for these deaths are almost non-existent:

The maximum penalty for a serious violation that injures or even kills a worker is $7,000, and $70,000 for willful and repeated violations. But those are rarely assessed. The average penalty for a serious OSHA violation is less than $1,000, and the average penalty when a worker is killed is $11,300…[5]

Of course not terribly surprising, the idea of seeking any form of justice for the lives of the BP workers, like the 16 that will die today in the U.S., is non-existent.

Other folks are already feeling the deteriment of the oil spill. In fact, the language, even in mainstream press, is referring to a “Gulf oil spill illness”:

The U.S. Coast Guard…pulled commercial fishing boats from oil cleanup efforts in Breton Sound off the Louisiana coast after several people became ill.

The Coast Guard says crew members on three vessels reported nausea, dizziness, headaches and chest pains Wednesday afternoon. Four people were hospitalized, including one who was flown to a hospital. [6]

Further social costs will surely rise in regards to human health detriments:

Few studies have examined long-term health effects of oil exposure. But some of the workers trolling Gulf Coast beaches and heading out into the marshes and waters have complained about flu-like symptoms – a similar complaint among crews deployed for the 1989 Exxon Valdez spill in Alaska…
Brief contact with small amounts of light crude oil and dispersants are not harmful. Swallowing small amounts of oil can cause upset stomach, vomiting and diarrhea. Long-term exposure to dispersants, however, can cause central nervous system problems, or do damage to blood, kidneys or livers, according to the Centers For Disease Control and Prevention…In the six weeks since the Deepwater Horizon rig exploded, killing 11 workers, an estimated 21 million to 45 million gallons of crude has poured into the Gulf of Mexico. Hundreds of BP contractors have fanned out along the Gulf, deploying boom, spraying chemicals to break up the oil, picking up oil-soaked debris and trying to keep the creeping slick out of the sensitive marshes and away from the tourist-Mecca beaches.[7]

And the fact is that many of the ominous consequences and social costs of this are the unknown health detriments of millions of gallons of oil being dumped into the ocean, as well as the effects of the dispersant Corexit, which few seem to know much about. Further,

[C]oncerning is the ill effects that may come from the way that BP cleans up these oil disasters using dispersants…This does not remove the oil, but the dispersal makes it less visible and prevents it from washing up on the shoreline by breaking the oil into droplets that then often sink to the ocean floor.

[C]onsider the effects of the oil itself. We know that Exxon Valdez cleanup workers faced average oil mist exposure that was 12 times higher than government-approved limits, and those who washed the beach with hot water experienced a maximum exposure 400 times higher than these limits. Many of those workers suffered subsequent health problems and in 1989, 1,811 workers filed compensation claims, primarily for respiratory system damage, according to National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health.

But what may be an even larger problem are the unknown, long-term health effects of the dispersants. BP has reportedly bought up more than a third of the world’s supply of these dispersants. The issue is that we do not actually know what chemicals are in many of these dispersants, or what their long-term effects will be since their exact makeup is kept secret under competitive trade laws.[8]

Here we have the so-called free-market of capitalism at work, with a complacent nation-state that only seeks to let the unaccountable institution clean up its own mess without any insight from adjacent communities.

The Case for Anarchy, and the Inefficiency of Governments and Markets

This is primarily a crisis of capitalism, though it is presented to us as an isolated incident, in which one company acted corruptly, secretively, and in a manner that is counter to the majority of the U.S population. We have what may be euphemistically referred to as a democracy deficit, and it may come across as confusing for people who want the nation-state to step in and help. Even some radicals are nostalgic about the role of the nation-state, and create the false dichotomy of government-good, and market-bad. Take Slavoj Zizek, Marxist philosopher, who wrote that globalization (i.e. capitalism, or market society, or the spectacle—however one wants to view the common misnomer) is “the brutal imposition of the unified world market that threatens all local ethnic traditions, including the very form of the nation-state.” [9]

Zizek, a thinker who gets it right on so many other issues , seems reticent to address the fact that the State actually enables the “unified world market” to be an all encompassing spectacle that presents itself as Guy Debord described so eloquently:

The spectacle presents itself as a vast inaccessible reality that can never be questioned. Its sole message is: “What appears is good; what is good appears.” The passive acceptance it demands is already effectively imposed by its monopoly of appearances, its manner of appearing without allowing any reply. [10]

To assume the modern nation-state doesn’t encompass what situationists like Debord called “the spectacle” strikes me as absurd, a mystical belief that the State is a democratic institution controlled by “The People.” Zizek’s assertion would suggest that he agrees with Debord’s musings on the spectacle; it’s just that the nation-state is a separate entity, which seems to me naïve, and the BP case proves the point.

Zizek’s assertion that the “unified world market” threatens the nation-state, would suggest that the two entities are somehow in constant friction with each other, which social democrats may have us believe about the welfare state. Let us look at this mythos in more detail with analysis from the Invisible Committee, the “imaginary” collective that published the contentious The Coming Insurrection, on the issue of France, often lauded as an example of a social democratic welfare state:

[I]n France, the relentless, age-old work of individualization by the power of the state, that classifies, compares, disciplines and separates its subjects starting at a very young age, that instinctively grinds down any solidarities that escape it until nothing remains except citizenship—a pure phantasmic sense of belonging to the Republic. The Frenchman…is the embodiment of the dispossessed, the destitute. [11]

This description sounds more like what I think of when I envision spending time in prison, rather than something based on “local ethnic traditions,” or something that could perhaps be a counter to the spectacle that is capitalism. The analysis presented in The Coming Insurrection of France is much akin to a prison, that is every bit part of market society as an entity that perpetuates it. This all of course alludes to a couple of things: that the global world market, as Zizek correctly ascertains, functions only in “brutal imposition,” and markets are not only reprehensible on a basic ethical level, but are also impractical to solve problems. The BP situation articulates this. But we also see the nation-state in all its inefficiencies and bureaucracies. Like Katrina, the State was shown as an ineffective player in disasters, while grassroots groups with no private or governmental affiliations were the most effective players when it came to short-term needs in Louisiana. As Peter Gelderloos points out,

Studies show that after natural disasters most rescues are carried out by common people, not government experts or professional aid workers. Most humanitarian aid is offered by people other than agents of government. Government aid often facilitates political agendas… It is possible that people would be better off in catastrophes without governments. We can also develop effective alternatives to government assistance based on the principle of solidarity… Spain in 1936…provides a good example. In Mas de las Matas, as in other parts, the Cantonal (district) Committee kept track of shortages and surpluses and made arrangements for even distribution. Part of its work was to make sure all collectives were taken care of in the event of natural disasters. [12]

Gelderloos here points to the anarchist strongholds in Spain, in which self-governance was enacted. Do we perceive that communities’ popular assemblies or councils would be ill-equipped to organize relief efforts in the event of a catastrophe, a la the BP oil spill? The evidence speaks to the contrary.

It is worth mentioning more broadly here that decentralized societies have done much better in regards to including everyone in the decision-making process, unlike hierarchical capitalist society, and Western civilization in general. The BP oil disaster shows, again, an axiom within this system: maximizing short term gain for the few, disregarding the consequences of the many. As of today’s writing, June 7, 2010, we are learning that the oil spill is threatening the existence of indigenous communities in the adjacent communities of the Gulf of Mexico. While BP claims the cap they put over the pipeline is capturing most of the oil (again, this is a claim made by BP’s internal investigation of themselves), others surrounding the disaster are loosing their way of life:

Grand Bayou, a village accessible only by boat…feels they are on the brink of extinction. The indigenous Atakapa-Ishak people in this coastal Louisiana village have relied on the land and water around them to survive for generations. They live mostly off the oysters, shrimp and fish they draw from the marshes. Now the traditions and very survival of this small community are at risk. [13]

If community councils that represented the interests of communities like the Atakapa-Ishak people had a seat at the decision-making table, as well as the outraged citizens in Florida and other surrounding areas, it is, again, questionable if this pipeline would have ever existed. This is one reason why I believe that what I call an anarchist society wouldn’t enable such a disaster: those affected negatively by decisions participate in those decisions.

Colin Turnbull, British anthropologist, spent time with a decentralized society in Africa, the stateless BaMbuti Pygmies. Turnbull observed the way in which the BaMbuti Pygmies made decisions, which may prefigure how an anarchist society would have avoided this catastrophy all together:

[O]ne of the most remarkable features of Pygmy life [is]…the way everthing settles itself with apparent lack of organization. Cooperation is the key to Pygmy society; you can expect it and you can demand it, and you have to give it…In fact, Pygmies dislike and avoid personal authority, though they are by no means devoid of a sense of responsibility…[T]hey think of responsibility as communal… [14]

I think Turnbull may be wrongheaded and projecting his own eurocentrism (perhaps like Zizek) when he assumes the BaMbuti Pygmies had a “lack of organization.” There’s so much peculiar about what the “West” considers organization and order, or that our civilization invented democracy (the latter is particularly laughable), it can hardly be addressed here.

Regardless, if we were to think about decisions the way that the BaMbuti Pygmies do, which is not too dissimilar than that of many other indigenous and stateless societies, i.e., it is not that “No rulers” means no one is to accept responsibility, but rather, we all must take responsibility for the decisions that directly affect ourselves in others.

Anthropologist David Graeber did ethnographic work with rural communities in Madagascar and observed similar methods of making decisions amongst communities. State power was benign, if not downright non-existent in these regions of Madagascar. These rural communities who participated in an egalitarian form of self-governance also prefigure a different way this disaster could have been handled, if power was held horizontally:

The art of coming to decisions by consensus was something everyone simply learned as part of growing up…[T]here was a general principle that no course of action that might have negative consequences on others should legitimately be carried out without those others’ prior consent; the resultant meetings were called “fokon’olona” meetings—meaning, basically, “everybody”…Within those meetings…anyone, male or female, old or young, formally had equal right to speak: the only criteria was to be old enough to be able to formulate an intelligent opinion… [Further,] anyone engaged in an ongoing project had the power to engage in what would in contemporary consensus process be referred to as a “block”: one could simply declare “I am no longer in agreement” (tsy manaiky aho) [15]

As one may observe, decision-making processes by many groups and organizations that formally call themselves “anarchist” are directly influenced by groups like the BaMbuti Pygmies and the largely self-governed rural communities in Madagascar.

How might these more egalitarian communities’ best ideas be transferred to an industrial society in what’ s called the “West” (which may be a dubious concept in itself—no room to discuss this here)? Well, first, it may be a question of how much a self-governed society would industrialize . In regards to fossil fuel consumption, since communities would have a say in mountaintop removal or oil drilling , as mentioned, much of it mayt not occur. And we can look at the Madagascar rural communities’ assemblies, or “fokon’olona,” in which an event like drilling for oil, which certainly causes what economists, rather crassly, call negative externalities, would hear every concerned parties’ voice, i.e., the party of those interested in drilling, and those interested in having a healthy community and a sustainable way of life that would be in direct opposition to those who wished to drill.

So, as mentioned, today, the indigenous people in the surrounding areas, the Atakapa-Ishak face negative consequences because of the free reign capitalists had in the Gulf of Mexico. Something akin to an empowered “fokon’olona” may full well have prevented such a disaster in itself. Going back to the BaMbuti Pygmies, it seems that they valued the environment in a most rational way that Western civilization seems to deny on an almost mystical level. Turnbull illustrates this:

If you ask a Pygmy why his [or her] people have no chiefs, no lawgivers, no councils, or no leaders, he [or she] will answer with misleading simplicity, “Because we are the people of the forest.” The forest, the great provider, is the one standard by which all deeds and thoughts are judged; it is chief, the lawgiver, the leader, and final arbitrator. [16]

If we acknowledge the interconnectivity of us as humans to the ecosystems that provide us with life, then we would acknowledge, firstly, that burning fossil fuel produces extremely ominous consequences, not limited to polluting the air we breathe with toxins, but also heating the planet due to CO2 emissions and changing our landscapes while wiping out ecology. Secondly, we might acknowledge the damage of extracting these resources in the first place. We could hardly deny what the BaMbuti Pygmies understand at an intimate level, that our relationship with nature determines what will happen to us, and the judge of this relationship will ultimately be nature. Again, most decentralized, stateless societies, understood this; due to mystical views about dominating nature for the benefit of humans, the “West” fails in this department. Perhaps this comes with ultra-centralization, with an elite making the decisions for all, who does, in fact, seek to benefit immediately from dominating nature, ignoring the wisdom that many decentralized societies grasped.

The common view is that we need the nation-state to protect us from environmental disaster. The BP spill has again demonstrated that the opposite is true. Like many anti-capitalist environmentalists have come to acknowledge, it is the modern state with its own elite that is fueling the destruction of the environment. Peter Gelderloos, again, gives us a glimpse at the reality of the situation:

[T]he existence of an elite tends to fuel environmental exploitation…A decentralized, communal society with a commonly held ecological ethos is best equipped to prevent environmental destruction. In economies that value local self-sufficiency over trade and production, communities have to deal with the environmental consequences of their own economic behaviors They cannot pay others to take their garbage or starve so they can have an abundance. [17]

We can imagine a dramatically different situation if merely the local fishers established the seas as the commons, a place where they find sustenance for the community, which is of course laughable under capitalism. These aforementioned examples of indigenous societies are in many ways “anarchist,” without of course labeling themselves as such. We might conclude that one tenant of a horizontal, non-hierarchical society would be to live in harmony with ecosystems, as degrading ecosystems can negatively impact people so much. It serves logically that destroying the environment is a form of oppression, something an anarchist society would be opposed to.

To Conclude…

In this paper, I am stressing the point, a provocative one perhaps, that an anarchist, or decentralized society, would have prevented a disaster like the BP oil spill. I also tried to illustrate some of the devastation caused by leaving decisions in the hands of a small elite; as time unfolds we will surely see more ghastly consequences of this disaster.

One might think that making such a provocative, hypothetical statement, that an anarchist society wouldn’t yield such devastation, that I might talk about specific individuals who called themselves anarchists making decisions for themselves. Since there isn’t a specific blueprint for an anarchy, I do not see the prospect as meaningless, but since so many of us have different concepts about a preferable system, the conclusion we might reach is that we will form the new society together. It is doubtful that one model will reign and serve as a vanguard for what we should adopt in regards to economic models or decision-making apparatuses.

There are very general trends that I discussed by using examples such as the rural communities in Madagascar, as well as the BaMbuti Pygmies in Africa. Those generalities are that decentralized, stateless societies typically make decisions at a grassroots level, involving everyone in the community, in which formal leadership is non-existent. Many indigenous and other stateless societies regard the environment as the BaMbuti, i.e., as something sacred, and bigger than us. They regard the environment as something we must live in harmony with, as something we must respect and cherish, unlike the Western perception that it is here for us to exploit and dominate for personal gain and convenience.

The examples I mentioned certainly aren’t perfect societies, but they certainly prefigure what an anarchist society might look like, and how such a society would prevent catastrophes like the BP oil spill from occurring. Most importantly, decision-making involves everyone within the community, with equal say. There are thousands of variants as to how this could be executed, but the BP disaster demonstrates a reoccurring trend: decisions left in the hands of a tiny elite yield more chaos than anarchy, a state dubiously affiliated with tumult and violence, ever could.

Endnotes

1.Raj Patel, The Value of Nothing: How to Reshape Market Society and Redefine Democracy, New York: Picador, 2009

2. From Democracy Now!, “Renowned Marine Biologist Carl Safina on the BP Oil Spill’s Ecological Impact on the Gulf Coast Worlwide,” May 27, 2010. http://www.democracynow.org/2010/5/27/expert_ecological_impact_of_spill_could

3.Also from Democracy Now!, “Renowned Marine Biologist Carl Safina on the BP Oil Spill’s Ecological Impact on the Gulf Coast Worlwide,” May 27, 2010. http://www.democracynow.org/2010/5/27/expert_ecological_impact_of_spill_could

4.From reformist, mainstream AFL-CIO Now Blog, “’16 Deaths Per Day’ Highlights Weak Penalties for Worker Fatalities,” November 12, 2009. http://blog.aflcio.org/2009/11/12/16-deaths-per-day-highlights-weak-penalties-for-worker-fatalities/

5.Also from AFL-CIO Now Blog, “’16 Deaths Per Day’ Highlights Weak Penalties for Worker Fatalities,” November 12, 2009. http://blog.aflcio.org/2009/11/12/16-deaths-per-day-highlights-weak-penalties-for-worker-fatalities/

6.From The Huffington Post, “Gulf Spill Illness: Four Hospitalized After Getting Sick, 125 Cleanup Boats Recalled,” May 27, 2010. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/05/27/gulf-oil-spill-illness-st_n_591510.html

7.From the Huffington Post, “Gulf Oil Sickness: Cleanup Workers Experience Health Problems, Complain of Flulike Symptoms,” June 3, 2010. http://www. Huffingtonpost.com/2010/06/03/gulf-oil-sickness-c-n-598816.html

8.From Climate Progress, “The BP oil disaster is a health disaster, too,” May 19, 2010. http://climateprogress.org/2010/05/19/the-bp-oil-disaster-is-a-health-disaster-too/

9.Slavoj Zizek, The Fragile Absolute: Or Why the Christian Legacy is Worth Fighting For?, Brooklyn, New York: Verso, 2008

10.From Guy Debord’s The Society of the Spectacle. Available online at (http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/debord/1.htm). [viewed June 7, 2010]

11.The Invisible Committee, The Coming Insurrection, Los Angeles: Semiotext(e), 2009

12.Peter Gelderloos, Anarchy Works, San Francisco: Ardent Press, 2010

13.From Democracy Now!, “BP Oil Spill Threatens Future of Indigenous Communities in Louisiana,” June 7, 2010. http://www.democracynow.org/2010/6/7/bp_oil_thrill_threatens_future_of

14.Colin M. Turnbull, The Forest People, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1961

15.David Graeber, Possibilities: Essays on Hierarchy, Rebellion, and Desire, Oakland, California: AK Press, 2007

16.Also includes excerpts from Colin M. Turnbull, The Forest People, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1961

17.Also includes an excerpt from Peter Gelderloos, Anarchy Works, San Francisco: Ardent Press, 2010

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