Tagged with the left

An Anarchist’s Top Five for 2011


I’m not a big fan of the self-deprivation – which often presents as puritanical and ascetic –often associated with New Year’s resolutions, unless they involve giving up… self-deprivation. The following five points – what I see as ways to make anarchism/ anarchy sexier, more practical, and in the here-and-now – do not serve as an arbitrary set of resolutions for a most heterogeneous of social/ political movements. Rather, they are my own aspirations and hopes for the anarchist movement in the New Year.

If they’re not your own hopes and aspirations, please add to this conversation. That is to say, I would love to hear others’ thoughts on what they would like to see anarchism become in 2011, and in the future.

The 2000’s have been a mixed bag for this movement that seeks to alter globalization. Of course 9/11/01 radically shifted the direction – and changed the dynamics, while slowing the momentum – of a movement that started the 2000’s still coasting off the fumes of Seattle ’99. We could consider 2011 as a time to reconsider what anarchism is, jettisoning the useless, and building on the valuable and useful and imaginative aspects.

I. Be nice to each other

This seems simple enough, but anarchists typically struggle in this department. Anarchism appealed to me as the anti-ideology – certainly the ideas are important, but it transcended other political and religious dogma. But the anarchist community is by-no-means immune to dogma and ultra-ideological partisans. If it’s important for you to tout the “correct” (as you see it) anarchist line, just acknowledge that you could be – and likely are – wrong, and subject to change your mind in the near future. If we want to end domination and oppression and “power-over” social relationships in their entirety, we better be able to play nicely.

A healthy plurality of theories and ideas that may full-well be antithetical to each other is perfectly fine; anarchism is a broad idea with sweeping, subjective principles defining it – always changing, never static. But partaking in these discourses in a manner that seeks to destroy our fellow anti-authoritarian theoretical opponents is counterproductive.

II. Immerse ourselves in community work

All-too-many well-meaning anarchists get lost in theory and counter-culture. I remember hearing a talk by Barry Pateman about anarchists that started a successful infoshop in California, and putting out a well-done paper. Headlines such as “Situationism: Second wave” graced the front page of this particular infoshop’s paper, according to Pateman. In an adjacent impoverished, working-class community, folks were being evicted from their apartments, having their homes foreclosed upon, and were plagued with other Capital-induced problems. The anarchists that made this successful infoshop run had likely no knowledge of what was happening in this adjacent community, or – even worse – they didn’t care. This is a shame, indeed… if you ask this anarchist.

Infoshops and cultural centers are a way to reclaim public space, using it to do non-hierarchical politics and letting non-oppressive social relationships flourish. I don’t want to understate the importance of such endeavors. But if such impressive anti-authoritarian projects flourish, while ignoring problems directly impacting communities in which they’re located, opportunities to build radical consciousness, to offer mutual aid and accompaniment with our neighbors in times of hardship are lost.

There are plenty of small gains that can be attained in the here-and-now in our communities. I can’t find any good reason we shouldn’t be, at the very least, attempting to form democratic neighborhood associations that do not work with the police or city government, foreclosure defense collectives, tenants’ unions, collectives with prisoners returning to the community, radically-oriented, directly democratic youth programs, and weekly, community discussion groups which give neighbors an opportunity to do face-to-face politics. All of these projects can be run non-hierarchically—without leaders. In every sense of the term, these would all be “anarchist” projects.

An infoshop can be an effective and meaningful way to spread consciousness and propaganda, but the community Pateman mentioned in his talk could benefit from the aforementioned examples of mutual aid, and anarchist-inspired projects.

III. Work on our communication skills

Many erudite radicals have come and gone, without the abolition of systems of domination and oppression. It is clear that the more verbose, obscurantist, or abstract our literature is – while this can certainly be an enjoyable challenge at times to read and discuss – doesn’t make it more effective in propagating ideas within non-radicalized communities. In fact, it may do the opposite; I would understand if someone not ensconced in the anarchist community would be more than a little put off if all they were exposed to was literature inspired by post-structuralist thinkers, Tiqqun-style essays, books, or pamphlets. Without points of reference, this style of communication could come off as either pretentious, or perhaps even nonsensical. Why start there?

Instead, we should consider universal accessibility: we need to create propaganda that can be heard for the blind, seen for the deaf, and can be understood by everyone in our communities. All people with so-called “disabilities” (an arbitrary concept and term, to say the least) should be able to experience and understand our means of communication if we stand opposed to social hierarchies. Our means of communication should also transcend language borders, and all borders for that matter. Well-done performance art, or visual art of any kind, would be one way to do this. Imaginative possibilities are endless, and different cultural milieu and geographic regions would create this in different manners.

IV. Attempt to organize workplaces on anti-authoritarian grounds

After our immediate community, the workplace is the most important space to encourage anti-capitalist resistance. In the community we’re consumers, and at the workplace we’re producers of services or goods; capitalism needs both. We need to encourage fellow community members/ workers to break the cycle.

Whether you think anarchism is a tradition that belongs to the lineage of the political left, or if you’re a left-loather and anti-workerist – and if you have a day job – attempt to form radical, horizontally-controlled unions, workers’ organizations, coalitions, or councils. Even if work is something you’d like to abolish in its entirety, organize not to work; you may find quite a bit of sympathy.

If your idea of a post-capitalist society is one for which there is some kind of industry, organize on those grounds. Organize at your workplace simply because you want modest improvements. But if you’re an anarchist, try to organize non-hierarchically; try to create webs of solidarity that exist without leaders or bureaucracy. If we can channel the vitriol most have for management and bosses, coupled with the fact that most do not like their jobs and would choose to do something else with their time if given a more attractive choice, we may be able to get somewhere.

Stand in solidarity with those workers doing just this at Jimmy Johns’ and Starbucks; both are affiliated with the IWW – its history with no shortage of anarchist involvement. Remind your employees that the American labor movement has made many gains thanks to anarchists since the Haymarket affair in Chicago, and remind them who struggled for the eight-hour workday. Promote May Day as a day to celebrate this event in 2011; appropriate it as a candidly anarchist holiday.

There’s no suggestion here that this will bring about some glorious revolution; this may be an outdated goal. If anarchy is permanent, it is dynamic in its meaning and present and future aspirations. Attempting to organize workers, i.e., Capitals’ cogs, can lead to radical community – a community informed to think freely. If a community feels able and is more-than-willing to think freely, this is more than an anarchist can ask for.

It can lead to a spreading conversation, a culture in opposition to the conformist hegemony of western, Eurocentric, capitalist society – even within one neighborhood. “Anarchizing” the workplace, in this sense, has the utmost potential. This is a call to “come out” to your fellow employees, if you haven’t already. Reach for the most absurd and unattainable goals like a city-wide wildcat strike; encourage the strike so the neighborhood can spend a day getting to know each other instead of working, or to abolish capitalism. Simply encourage idolatry, in rejection of the puritanical standards that consider back-breaking work “moral,” or organize on completely different grounds that you think your community might be sympathetic towards.

V. Continue to broaden the scope of our critique

Anarchism is more than an opposition to the State and Capital; we’ve done a poor job at articulating this at great measure. Even in many published, historical overviews of anarchism, it’s often reduced to being against government, or anti-statism. This leads folks to believe that anarchists cannot find liberatory relationships and can never “win” – assuming “winning” some kind of tangible battle is still the program – since winning involves what many in our community refer to as making “Total Destroy.”

This is why we must broaden the scope of our critique. There is a great deal of promising literature coming out regarding anarchism and disability intersections, anarchist perspectives regarding queer theory, and an anarchist analysis of the climate crisis. That said, we could do a whole hell of a lot better. Without capitalism, we would still have all of the constructed binary opposition – some examples of constructed binary opposition include “heterosexuality” v. “homosexuality,” “woman” v. “man,” “able” v. “disabled,” “sane” v. “insane,” etc. The reason all of these binary oppositions should be critiqued robustly by anarchists is that they create “power-over” social relationships. That is to say, binary oppositions create hierarchies with a dominant group, and an oppressed group.

While there is encouraging literature coming out from our community, we could afford to organize on these issues. In the wretched prisons, in our schools – which aren’t much different to our children than the prisons, in our community –in which people who do not conform to rigid gender identities are treated horrendously by market, patriarchal, white supremacist society, there are plenty of ways and means to form solidarity and mutual aid opportunities with these oppressed groups, and create anarchy in real time.

There is no conclusion…

Anarchism will constantly have to redefine itself to remain anti-authoritarian. There is no end result we seek; anarchism is a critique, and a constant demand for liberatory relationships with others, with the environment, with ourselves. This will apply to any future moment, as well. It doesn’t exist in the future. Direct action is something anarchists have been interested in for a reason: it is a demand for non-commodified relationships; opportunities for creative possibilities; making our imagination a reality, in real time. 2011 gives the movement opportunity to start fresh, and to reflect on the many promising, and negative, aspects of anarchism.

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Social Anarchism, Techno-Pessimism, and Primitivism: A Belated Response to Nihilo Zero


This is a much belated response to an article by anarcho-primitivist blogger Nihilo Zero, who was writing in response to an essay I wrote about anarchy and the BP oil spill.

I must say, first and foremost, that the response will hopefully spark something seemingly uncommon in the anarchist milieu: civil discourse amongst those who reach different anti-authoritarian conclusions. To be sure, there should be a healthy pluralism; homogeneity has more than simply authoritarian connotations. What still attracts me so, to anarchism/ anarchy, is that it has evolved into a macro critique of domination. And delegated boxes of homogeneity, to which we are confined, are a big part of this critique. Hence, when we speak of all-encompassing financial markets, spaces where we are permitted to do certain things but not others, with orders from above, it’s more than analogous to being delegated to gender binaries, or sexual orientations as Jamie Heckert has so wonderfully articulated, or people who perceive the world or move around in space differently than the majority being delegated to certain normative behaviors, etc.

So, if anarchism becomes a space in which certain tendencies are tolerated, and others are determined fraudulent by an informal leadership, I suppose you can count me out, and this philosophy has become antithetical to itself.

I still argue it isn’t anything of the sort. I must mention I’m relatively new to anarchist thought; I came to the conclusion that I identify with anarchist principles only a few years back, after dabbling briefly with Marxism. So maybe I lack many of the preconceived notions that individuals who’ve been in the movement 20-plus years have.

As Deric Shannon points out, there should obviously be some disqualifying elements to individuals who identify with the broader anarchist movement; he mentions the racist wingnuts who call themselves national anarchists, and the so-called “anarcho”-capitalists, with the latter already being discussed ad nauseam within the milieu. I would go a step further and say that reduction would disqualify someone from being anti-authoritarian; if one can’t acknowledge queer struggle, or female-bodied individual’s struggle, or disregard people with so-called disability’s struggle, and merely acknowledge capitalism as the only form of oppression, or the State, it’s questionable, in my view, as to whether this is anarchism. And vice versa. If one completely writes off class-struggle as old hat leftism, I see this too, as highly problematic. But again, I’m not the gatekeeper, and there seems to be room under the tent for any genuine anti-authoritarians / people concerned with “power-over” social relations, and hierarchy, on a macro scale.

But whether or not we prefigure a world which utilizes a certain amount of technology, or continues some degree of civilization, to me these are questions concerning the larger role of domination. Is civilization per se domination, or is it a natural development of human organization? Is civilization synonymous with exponential growth? And if we quell exponential growth in some way, so as to acknowledge that civilization growing outwards like a cancer is not compatible with finite ecosystems, will this then be a post-civilization society?

While I cannot offer easy answers to these loaded questions, I can say this: as someone who still doesn’t have a problem identifying as a social anarchist, I see merit in some of the primitivist critique. There’s no need for me to denounce folks like Nihilo, based on the merit that we reach different conclusions. Before I address some of the specific points Nihilo makes, I want to bring up the point that not all social anarchists are simply techno-optimists; we are not entirely ambivalent about technology, industrial agriculture, or civilization. Anti-civilization critiques, too, are useful to me, insomuch as I can deconstruct it and pull out what’s useful. After all, isn’t this the best we can do with any social theory/ philosophy? To accept any theory in the hard or social sciences, or any philosophy hook, line, and sinker, smacks of dogmatism, which is why I’m thankful for thinkers like Derrida and Foucault, and postanarchist thought. Anarchism, or anything else for that matter, shouldn’t be sacred.

Hence, I am skeptical about any techno-solutions, technology proper, big civilization, and downright oppose industrial agriculture, in favor of ultra-decentralized permaculture, functioning within localized gift economies (if we want to slow down the death of the planet in any meaningful sense). The expansion of urban areas with no end in sight, essentially turning the planet into a parking lot, even if it’s covered with solar panels and windmills, won’t benefit any life form, from prokaryotes to primates, on the planet. And while we’re currently living in ecological crisis, at the rate we’re going, we are certainly fucked. If we do not move backwards while looking forward, we’re going to rely on the same Western-centric, Enlightenment principles-soaked fetishization of “science” and “rationality” that got us into this mess in the first place. And if we do not start listening to people who, for thousands and thousands of years, have had a spiritual connection with the land and the planet, and in most ways, a much more sophisticated understanding of ecology, we’re doomed to repeat the Industrial Revolutions’ mistakes over, and over, and over again.

I do not think the whole of technology is something for which we can sensibly be ambivalent, or agnostic about. The notion that technology proper is something that can be utilized for either noble endeavors, or for tyrants to kill people, is a bit too simplistic. This misses the point that the overwhelming majority of what’s called “science” in the West, and what is determined technology, involves environmental extractions of finite resources. Hence, whether we’re doing wonderful things like curing cancer, or wretched things like dropping nuclear bombs on innocent people, we’re still extracting from the finite environment.

That said, I’m not about to make an argument that we should have some kind of zero-sum ecological footprint, as if such practices are possible. So, while I’m certainly skeptical of civilization as we currently know it, and hyper-techno advances in the name of “humanity,” I’m also skeptical of the notion that it’s even possible to entirely move away from using technology, but civilization? In regards to the latter, I would argue we must quell exponential expansion to sustain the planet, and this is essentially what “civilization” refers to. So it seems low-tech (but “tech” to a certain degree, to be sure), coupled with decentralization and local autonomy, could, in fact, quell this growth. It seems only natural that as anti-capitalists we would naturally be skeptical of civilization, but this isn’t always the case.

Moving back to anarcho-primitivism, it has never quite been homogenous; there’s been internal debates about the use of art, mathematics, and other symbolism, as well as the question of agriculture. So the critique that most social anarchists seem to make about primitivism is troublesome to begin with, since it’s not exactly a monolith (nor is social anarchism).

The bottom line is that, for the majority of folks that call themselves anarchists, the market and the State and governmental bureaucracies and prisons and centralization, are viewed as oppressive, totalitarian components of the society in which we live (there are exceptions in regards to markets; I acknowledge this). So, let’s see: a decentralized society, no bureaucracy, no markets, no currency, no governments, and localized autonomy. What this implies to me is that most anarchists want a, for lack of a better term, simplified society. Industrialization is something that, even for the non-primitivists, we would by default slow down tremendously. For this reason, one would think we wouldn’t completely write off all anarchists that are anti-civilization, or who reject technology in its totality. For folks who want a decentralized, non-bureaucratic stateless society without markets, i.e., a “simplified” life (not to mention the anarchist critique of work in itself), one would think we all might find useful elements of a theory that suggests re-wilding, or abolishing more than the State and the economic apparatus in which it keeps on life support. Think about the endless analysis anarchists have found useful from Marxism, without, of course, becoming Marxists.

I wanted to preface the issues I take with Nihilo’s analysis before I get into it vis-a-vis the article to which he initially responded. I also hope this assures the reader that this is not another banal critique of primitivism with the usual suspects, i.e., it’s irrational, it’s genocidal, etc. While I should make it perfectly clear primitivist thought ain’t my bag, it’s also not my bag to use hackneyed criticisms that seemingly have little merit.

Specific Issues Nihilo Brings Up

Nihilo starts off by saying that the conditions for which I speak are “somewhat ideal.” I find this surprising. In fact, the article gained praise from fellow primitivist John Zerzan; he seemed to understand that I wasn’t making a traditional anarcho-communist argument, or as a leftist, or a social anarchist argument, but an argument for anarchy, i.e., a classless, self-managing society, without any rulers or hierarchy, in a more general sense. Primitivists, at least that I’ve read, make similar anthropological arguments that I might make to defend anarchism/ anarchy: most of human history has consisted of stateless societies, self-organizing autonomous communities that governed themselves (and many that still do) in a decentralized manner. While this may sound perfectly ideal, it’s also a historical observation about the way in which people organize without rulers or markets to dictate their lives.

I wasn’t saying what we need is a rigid plan to save all of humanity; I was making the point that the majority of the population, who without rulers, would likely have more autonomy over their lives, and make decisions about the land they use, rather than CEOs or politicians. And I was making the argument that those that own the means of production can afford to act suicidal and destroy the communities of others, when it doesn’t directly affect them in real time. In a true state of anarchy, obviously people would be incapable of such things. Otherwise, if there were some kind of warlords, or bullies who were bruiting abroad, doing as they wish to other folks’ communities, then this certainly wouldn’t be anarchy.

Nihilo also claims that what I suggest in the article in question, is that all people would get along, and vote similarly in an egalitarian society. Not so. First, I’ve been candid about majoritarian voting: I do not perceive it to be compatible with anarchism. I know this is contentious, and the details of this can be hashed out later, but I wanted to make the point that I am of the mind that majoritarian “democracy” is hierarchical and, in fact, authoritarian (you may send your hatemail directly to me, by the way). So, I didn’t mention anyone voting on anything.

There are a number of different techniques groups can informally reach consensus. Decentralized groups without social hierarchies, typically make decisions using some variant of consensus. I couldn’t give a good reason to romanticize one way to do it in particular, but there are some commonalities that differentiate consensus from voting: (1) the process doesn’t assume there will be a competition between radically different factions within a group, with whatever majority wins deciding things, (2) and consensus also assumes that a compromise will be made between participating members. Most consensus processes also include the power for one individual to block the decision, insofar as the decision stands diametrically opposed to the community or organization. Hence, this process, in all of its various forms, from completely informal to highly formalized, empowers group dynamics and the individual, unlike majoritarian voting.

Nihilo also says that “even free people in a far more egalitarian society could make horrible mistakes.” I certainly wouldn’t suggest otherwise. I guess the connotation here is that I suggested this in the article in question, which is a misunderstanding if so. What I suggest is that, from the bottom-up, self-managed communities that share responsibilities and decision-making power, are more likely to make decisions that do not destroy said communities and the surrounding environments. Take the example of Somalia, the failed state in Africa. The global bourgeoisie is treating the coastal waters like an aqua-landfill, dumping toxic waste off the coastal waters of Somalia, in turn killing off fisheries and destroying the means by which many Somalis make a living (i.e., fishing).

Western economic elites certainly wouldn’t do this in their own communities. In turn, their wealth is being expropriated by de-facto anarchist pirates, large vessels being hijacked by grassroots ex-fishermen in speedboats with AK 47s. If this isn’t poetic justice, I don’t know what is. But it’s doubtful that Somalis would choose this fate for themselves. While they are showing self-governance by taking part in direct action and expropriating the millions of dollars of ransom money from Western corporations and governments (and much to their admirable self-restraint, mostly nonviolently), it also shows communities with autonomy making more conscientious decisions for themselves, i.e., taking on the people who are destroying their community, instead of being complicit in the destruction.

But yes, certainly, it’s true, that self-governing communities are capable of re-establishing oppression, and environmental degradation. Again, I never implied this wasn’t a possiblity.

While I actually agree with a great deal of what Nihilo says in the article otherwise, the question of technology was bound to arise in Nihilo’s critique. Again, while not a primitivist, I primarily looked at societies that have “operated outside of what is called civilization.” Certainly a primitivist wouldn’t take issue with this, as the societies I mentioned largely live off of the land, do not operate in the authoritarian confines of markets, and lack industrialization. I chose to look at these stateless societies because they are still seemingly the best examples of self-governing, decentralized communities, that reach decisions without hierarchy or authority.

Yet, what I also mentioned is something I stand by: in a post-state/ capitalist society, in which communities had control over their own lives, some would choose to use technology en masse, whilst others would choose a more ecologically compatible existence, i.e., hunting and gathering, coupled with decentralized permaculture, or communes akin to eco-villages of present day (the writer acknowledges here that the ecovillage movement doesn’t seek to challenge capital in any meaningful way—there are anarchist connotations, however, like consensus decision-making, and real sustainability, coupled with autonomy). I must clarify here, and this is where the conversation gets tricky: when I speak of technophiles, the connotations are that I speak of people who will create weapons of mass destruction, and the like. Obviously, such a community would not be compatible with anarchy. There are certainly pro-technology anti-authoritarians that are against the existence nuclear weapons.

There’s no need to speak about what kind of technology might be utilized in a post-capitalist society; this would be decided by autonomous communities. But I imagine that with all of the hardware and residual crap developed through research and development, and then utilized by the bourgeoisie in order to earn surplus value, people will be tinkering with these gadgets, whether in pirated, off-the-grid ways, or creating new devices out of parts of all of this accumulated stuff, for a very long time to come. I’m not arguing that this is a good thing; there’s debris floating around in space, for god’s sake. There is litter, goods which have have built-in obsolescence and pieces of goods with built-in planned ob Hence, the notion that we could ever inhabit a world in which all of these techno gadgets disappear is, with respect, a bit idealistic.

So, I take the approach that technology will always be with us, whether utilized for wretched things, or noble endeavors. Now comes the differentiating factor from myself and a primitivist like Nihilo: I do perceive that horizontally-organized, autonomous communities, could harness a certain amount of technology, without destroying themselves, or the planet in the process. When I speak of “techno-topias,” this may consist of a community that harnesses solar energy, and utilizes all the leftover junk from market society to build elaborate networks of communication, etc. We might think of savvy, anti-authoritarian hackers voluntarily associating together. It’s doubtful that with all the knowledge they’ve acquired to combat the spectacle via the internet, or tapping into information systems to acquire information and sabotage the State, that they’ll completely jettison these tendencies in some hypothetical non-capitalist society. Should autonomous communities be free to be authoritarians? I would argue no. I guess Nihilo doesn’t see a possibility for a community of techno-geeks ever being benign, whereas I do.

Communities who are skeptical towards technology, which may embody individuals like Nihilo and hyper-techno-pessimists-who-aren’t-primitivists, myself included, and communities skeptical towards civilization, would be the assurance that tech junkies wouldn’t get out of control.

Nihilo correctly points out that it was the technologically-based society “ which has brought us Chernobyl, Nagasaki, and the potential for global thermonuclear war.” Certainly true. From here, many primitivists, including Nihilo, reach the conclusion that since technological advance could potentially destroy the entire planet, all technology should be abolished. We must remember how broad a category we’re discussing here. If a guitar is produced, or a toothbrush, or an abortion performed, is this anywhere near the same category as nuclear proliferation? Is the assumption that, in order to have a free society, we must abolish even those things in which we desire, even after planned obs disappears (which is only necessary if profit potential is available)? Might we be able to differentiate in some technology that has consequences (i.e., environmental degradation), but has beneficiaries for communities, insofar that this technology be utilized responsibly in a horizontal manner? Will a community be able to develop tools they need and desire, produce certain services like healthcare devices that assist in surgeries, without completely demolishing their environment, or developing weapons that could destroy the entire planet? I tend to be optimistic in this regard, another differentiating factor between primitivists like Nihilo and non-primitivists (not to be confused with anti-primitivists) like myself.

In this line of thinking, Nihilo mentions that seemingly harmless research can be utilized by tyrants and power to cause destruction and death. Here he discusses a recurring theme in the article: self restraint. Relying merely on self-restraint is not what I’m suggesting. Of course technological experimentation can be devastatingly dangerous. Here Nihilo seems to misunderstand my perceptions of communal autonomy. The connotation seems to be that I have suggested, per the article, that“the freedom to experiment in innate ignorance is more important to society than the grave threats potentially unleashed upon society.” Not so. I couldn’t think of a free society that would let individual groups do whatever they want, not considering the larger consequences of their actions.

This is, to me, what has been so attractive about the anarchist notion of autonomy, local control, coupled with federalism. From outside the milieu, many misunderstand local control and autonomy with no formal, federal government to suggest that communities could do whatever the hell they want, i.e., there may be fascist communities, warlords who plan to conquer surrounding communities, etc. This is, of course, not the case at all, and because webs of federalism would be promoted, such a community wouldn’t be tolerated. Hence, a community of technophiles that seeks to expand exponentially, or as Nihilo puts it, needs to extract more resources and dissect more things, wouldn’t be tolerated in such a hypothetical society. There would be no reason to tolerate them.

Because of this, it is unlikely that self-restraint would be the only motivating action influencing individuals, or individual groups, not to ravage the environment, build weapons that could destroy the planet, or attempt to expand civilization or technology exponentially. As I see it, it’s hard to imagine there wouldn’t be sanctions for such actions, even though we want a society without prisons or police (surely Nihilo and I would agree here!). What power-sharing, horizontalist, community would tolerate such actions? And if the community consists entirely of individuals who would want to perpetuate such models of endless expansion, nuclear warfare, and hyper technological advance (which I’m not naïve enough to think wouldn’t exist after some kind of revolutionary event), it would be surrounding communities’ responsibilities to combat this authoritarian convergence (this answers Nihilo’s question of what a primitivist segment of society must do to assure they do not become this). Different communities would, of course, create different means of resistance; it’s meaningless for me (or anyone, I’d argue) to tell us what resistance looks like, as groups of oppressed people have shown that they are adept at defining this themselves.

Nihilo critiques technology as being incompatible with anarchy for the reason it needs bureaucracy, leaders, and hierarchy. Science-fetishizing, techno-crazed societies certainly do require these things. But I’m not talking about this. Our main point of disagreement in the article can be summed up as this: I see it as a possibility that certain communities will utilize a certain amount of technology without destroying themselves or others, with respect for ecology, whereas Nihilo doesn’t see this as a possibility. I certainly think technology can be harnessed without leaders, hierarchy, or the division of labor. If we learn to harness solar energy in a meaningful way, for example, solar energy is doing most of the work. If solar panels are built to last, they are rarely built. An entire community could easily shape the way in which solar energy is utilized, how devices that harness solar energy is produced, and also has the final say in the decision-making process through face-to-face meetings, where details are hashed out. There’s no need for hierarchies, permanent divisions of labor, or leaders in this process.

To Conclude…

Nihilo seems comfortable enough describing what will be the path to a “healthy and sustainable future,” i.e., insurrectionary anarchist tactics leading to a transition to primitivism. Insurrection as a tool in the toolbox is certainly something I’m enthusiastic about. But an assumption that successful insurrection would lead to a homogenous society is, again, idealistic. I wouldn’t want to assume that if insurrections coupled with general strikes, occupations, sabotage, social revolution, and general self-liberation, brings the spectacle to its knees, that the result would be one kind of society. I won’t make that assumption. This was my general creed in the article coming back to the premise of this essay: some communities will, without a doubt, reject the primitivist program outright, while some will be enthusiastic about it. Moving towards a more ecumenical anarchy, a more “big tent” program seems to be the way to go. This dialogue is important, as it allows us to explore the possibilities of life after capitalism, and compare different ideas and prefigurations.

I was initially attracted to Marxism after I realized that social democracy and liberalism was a dead-end; capitalism, I discovered, was an ominous machine that sees us, the international proletarian, as so much fodder.

I eventually moved to the left of Marx, finding an anarchism a more well-rounded critique of authority, including the State, capital, patriarchy, familial relations, prisons/ police, heteronormativity, etc. Whereas anarchism seeks the no national borders, my hope is that this project rejects philosophical or theoretical borders, as well. We should not only question how we do politics or economics; we should question how we have sex, gentrification and race, how people are confined to groups with norms in regards to their age or how they perceive the world (i.e., people with so-called disabilities), how we interact with children, how we love each other, what to do about biodeterminism in regards to gender binaries, and how exactly we will transform ourselves and find liberation in real time. This is my hope for anarchism, that we can move beyond the so-called great thinkers and theorists, thrive off of our diversity, and not settle for official ideology. In this regard, comrades can dialogue about anti-civilization solutions and the Platform, or primitivism vis-a-vis social ecology. If you look at the big picture of both CrimethInc and the IWW, they’re both ultimately trying to create the new world in the here-and-now, whereas some try to paint them as being lifestylists and class struggle anarchists (i.e., syndicalists), respectively.

And I’ll close by saying I’m not a social anarchist in the traditional sense, so as to differentiate myself from the “lifestylist”; the late Murray Bookchin’s vitriol seems a bit unprecedented. Drop-outs, freaks, and pagans have plenty to offer, as do primitivists. We need a robust critique of capital and the State; we need class struggle. But equally important, we need a critique of endlessly expanding cityscapes, endless technological development, and environmental destruction, not to mention bourgeois, puritan concepts of morality. Green anarchists, anti-civ thinkers, and primitivists, comrades like Nihilo Zero, are invaluable here. Hopefully the civil dialogue can continue; I feel it’s a necessity in the anarchist milieu.

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Sometimes Good Guys Don’t Wear White


The Black Bloc conversation lacks nuance. Since the recent G20 Summit recently took place in Canada, this conversation has been sparked again.

Unfortunately, the conversation from all political sides lacks vision, clarity, and understanding. From Marxists and anarchists, to thinkers ranging from the snake oil salesman right-wing conspiracist Alex Jones, to thinkers I respect like Naomi Klein, everyone seems to be getting it wrong. The conversation hasn’t made it a centimeter below the surface, and it’s really one of the most superficial arguments I’ve heard in a long time.

The so-called “Left” is something in which I loose more faith in every day as a force that will combat the spectacle of market society and capitalism, including some anarchist and Marxist comrades. In regards to their superficiality, they don’t sound much different than mainstream media or right-wing hacks when they speak of agent provocateurs, and how burning cop cars or breaking windows hurts their precious movement, for whatever that means.

Further, while the right-wing conspiracist milieu perpetuates their baseless claims of agent provocateurs donned in ski-masks, the left-wing critics continue to talk about this entity referred to as “the public.” “The public,” in itself, is particularly hard to define in our society. David Graeber explains this:

[W]hat we call “the public” is created, produced, through specific institutions that allow specific forms of action—taking polls, watching television, voting, signing petitions or writing letters to elected officials or attending public hearings—and not others. [1]

If we take Graeber at his word, and I do in this regard, then we must assume that a grassroots, anti-capitalist movement that wants to see a world in which every form of domination is abolished, isn’t counted as “the public.”

Let’s forget about our perceptions of vandals perpetuating violence in ski-masks and answer a simple question: what is “Black Bloc”? One of the biggest misconceptions of Black Bloc outside of the anti-capitalist movement (but unfortunately there are still many misperceptions on the broader “left”) is that it is a tendency of anarchism, that it is a movement or a group, or that they are “violent.” Uri Gordon, Israeli professor and anarchist, writes:

A black bloc is an ad hoc tactical formation in which affinity groups and individuals cluster together, themselves against identification and to maintain a symbolism of anonymity as promoted by the EZLN (Marcos 1998). The tactic originates with the anti-fascist scene and first appeared in the United States during the protests against the Gulf War in 1991. [2]

Gordon’s perspective, both as someone who has studied the global anti-capitalist movement extensively and participated in it, is particularly good; he mentions both the Western European Autonomen social movements, and solidarity with the Zapatistas.

It may be worthwhile for some to consider the roots here, which are, in fact in the Western European Autonomen movement. While the movement didn’t specifically identify as “anarchist,” the Autonomen movement was anti-authoritarian, anti-statist, and anti-capitalist, and largely influenced the anarchism of present day. The most thorough work on the subject is perhaps Georgy Katsiaficas’ “The Subversion of Politics,” in which he discusses early Black Bloc formations as a counter to neo-fascism. Katsiaficas is a scholar who has done extensive work looking at the Western European Autonomen movement, which inspired both the Black Bloc tactic in the anarchist movement, and the trend to reclaim public space, and restore abandoned buildings, or squats. [3] Katsiaficas explains here the hidden history of the Autonomen, which may explain at least some of the confusion in regards to this tactic. Here he describes here an experience he had at MIT. Many seem to be in the dark (no pun intended) on the notion that this movement exists, or existed. Hence, the confusion in regards to the Black Bloc:

In 1989, after I made a detailed presentation at MIT to several hundred people on the Autonomen, which included slides and copies of their magazines. One member of the audience confronted me with the charge that I had invented the whole movement, contending that the events I described were simply part of [German left-wing political party] the Greens. [4]

In the photo section of “The Subversion of Politics,” the unofficial history of autonomous movements in Western Europe, there is an image of police seemingly about to clash with a sea of ski-masked donned Autonomen, which extends outside the borders of the image. This is an image of an anti-Reagan demonstration in Berlin, Germany, in 1987.

Katsiaficas also mentions an action standing in solidarity with an Autonomen woman, who was killed when cops chased her onto the highway, where she was struck by a car. Katsiaficas wrote that the Black Bloc, in the German city of Gottingen, “was two thousand strong, and when the peaceful demonstration ended, they attacked the police, ninety of whom were injured…” [5] This event occurred in 1989. To summarize, the Black Bloc tactic has been used for some twenty-plus years, has its origins in the anti-authoritarian autonomous movements in Western Europe that claimed their autonomy both from the social democratic, statist Left, and neo-fascism and capitalist society, and is also a homage to the anonymity promoted by the EZLN (The Zapatista National Liberation Army) [6].

There seem to be two main points of contention. I’ll primarily focus on the many upon many conversations I’ve overheard, participated in, and heard of from others, primarily amongst liberals and leftists. The two points of contention focus upon the issue of violence, and secondly, that the tactic doesn’t work, hinders progress in the movement, and invites agent provocateurs.

The issue of violence has been addressed ad nauseam in radical circles, but, for what it’s worth, it should probably be mentioned that the Black Bloc is largely nonviolent, in its North American variants vis-a-vis the Western European version for which Katsiaficas spoke, and this is for good reason. Graeber points out that in most large European cities

there are active fascist movements. They see anarchists, almost as much as immigrants, as their natural enemies. To be both openly anarchist and to live by a code of nonviolence, therefore, means to be willing to take one’s life into one’s hands on a daily basis—or at the very least, to know that one will probably be quite regularly beaten up. In the US [for example], most anarchists are lucky enough to live in places where they are relatively insulated from such dangers So, where a certain degree of violence is, in Europe, more or less expected, in the US [as in Canada], Black Blocs have been able to develop what might be considered the most aggressive possible version of nonviolence…Black Blocs do not attack living creatures. However, they are willing to empoy much more confrontational tactics than other activists: for example, linking arms to push back police lines, or…carrying along chain-link fences to push against them; erect practicing “unarrests” by snatching back arrestees from police lines and cutting off their cuffs. [7]

It seems that any credible definition of violence would largely concern physical coercion of others, which the Blac Bloc rarely takes part in, other than in occasional uses of self-defense when comrades are attacked by cops. Peter Gelderloos highlights the real violence committed, and obscured by burning cop cars and windows broken, during the G20 summit:

RBC can fund gentrification and oil drilling, British Petroleum can kill their workers and destroy the Gulf of Mexico, border guards can murder immigrants, cops can torture youths, the normal functioning of the Canadian economy can murder over three times as many people through workplace “accidents” as are claimed by homicides, but if protestors smash a bank window or light a cop car on fire, they are denounced as violent. [8]

This is a blatantly obvious observation for people who only perpetuate destruction against property, or against others in self-defense, but Gelderloos’ sentiment needs to be echoed in these most interesting of times, when the spectacles’ self-destructive, suicidal mission to exterminate and displace humans, while consuming the planet and shitting it out in the form of short-term gains, continues unquestioned, and black bloc tactics are still continuously critiqued as being violent. I don’t want to be so banal as to suggest that those who use the Black Bloc tactic are unwilling to participate in violence; the overwhelming majority of those that participate most likely are not pacifists, and acknowledge violence as a potential tool in the toolbox. But to make the claim that they are inherently violent, meaning that they attack unprovoked individual, using force to bring about physical harm, is farcical.

So, what about this question regarding it as being counter-productive, and a tactic that doesn’t work? We’d have to question what these critiques are asking. Are they asking if Black Bloc tactics alone can bring the spectacle to its knees, bring about total liberation, the abolition of domination and oppression, and a decentralized, free society? If this is what they mean by the tactic not working, they’d be correct. I’d give Black Bloc critics this, so as long as they realize, in the same vain, that general strikes, occupations, blockades, propaganda by deed, voting, marching, and signing petitions, also do not work according to this definition.

The Black Bloc tactic certainly works wonders, on the other hand, if one’s definition of “working” involves making a mockery of the spectacle, symbolically abolishing private property, committing creative sabotage, finding unity in anonymity with fellow alienated comrades who help to reclaim public space and find autonomy, and make an honest leap towards self-liberation. I have a feeling the critiques from the left, in particular, didn’t have this in mind, though.

The Black Bloc tactic deserves a serious look from all quarters of resistance; those involved manage to be autonomous pirates in a cityscape that has redefined desire to mean monetary gains, passion to mean obeying the rules, and meaning-as-commodity.

For the time they don black masks or bandanas, they get the opportunity to democratize the monoculture of the city streets, and expropriate not the means of production, but that stolen desire, the burning passion, and lost meaning. In the heat of the moment, if this is how we define it “working,” this tactic seems to go above and beyond.

Endnotes

1.David Graeber, Direct Action: An Ethnography, Oakland, AK Press, 2009.

2.Uri Gordon, Anarchy Alive: Anti-Authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory, London, Pluto Press, 2008

3.It should be mentioned that the early punk rock movement in Western Europe embraced squatting, too, and probably influenced the Autonomen movement and the anarchist movement, as there were/are many punk rockers involved in both movements.

4.Georgy Katsiaficas, The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life, Oakland, AK Press, 1997.

5.ibid.

6.I wouldn’t go out on a limb and say that everyone participating in the Black Bloc tactic in the US or North America is consciously standing in solidarity with the Zapatistas, but the EZLN has certainly had a broad impact on the anti-capitalist movement, particularly the anti-authoritarian milieu in US and Canada.

7.Graeber, ibid.

8.Peter Gelderloos, “Supporting the Prisoners of the G20 Police State,” available at http://anarchistnews.org/?q=node/11685

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How Nonviolence Protects the Anarchists


It is better to be violent, if there is violence in our hearts, than to put on the cloak of nonviolence to cover impotence.

-Mahatma Gandhi

There is an ongoing debate within the anarchist movement about violence and property destruction. I’m going to come out and say it: on many occasions these tactics can be meaningful.

If you don’t follow the global social justice movement, then perhaps you haven’t heard the call for a diversity of tactics. Logically, so as long as we’re not dogmatic pacifists, this seems to be the best solution. I know we envision that our actions are meaningful; otherwise we probably wouldn’t do them.

But how meaningful or effective is making a YouTube video, writing a letter to the editor, speaking publicly, or getting an essay published? We cannot qualify or quantify such acts, but I would argue that each has merit, as do self-defense and property destruction.

There could, in fact, be times, that a Molotov cocktail could be more meaningful than any essay, documentary, or other action. Would any anti-apartheid activist amongst us reject to a pipe bomb detonation of the wall surrounding Palestinian territory, so as long as no civilians were anywhere near? Of course property destruction and violence in self-defense could also be devastatingly stupid and kill innocent people; no one seems to be arguing this. But the zero-tolerance policy towards violence from some within the anarchist milieu is worrisome.

We know what they’re doing: they’re continuing the tired discussion of “Anarchists are not bomb-throwers.” Well, to be sure, some have been bomb-throwers.

A common ploy for “activists” is to strive to look like legitimate, productive members of society. “See? I identify as an anarchist, and I’m just like everyone else.” Herein lays the problem. We’re not like everyone else if we believe in social revolution. Talking to folks about capitalism, the State, and domination in general, is not in vain, but because of social circumstances under state capitalism it mostly falls on deaf ears. “Who’s gonna pay my car payment?” or “How the fuck can I earn a living?” are reasonable questions from fellow wage-slaves. After all, it is probably most important that we make money, first and foremost, under capitalism; otherwise we cannot survive. Hence they reject throwing bricks, clashes with cops, and rioting. They may merely envision a jail cell. And as someone who’s been in a jail cell, I can tell you: orange drink and bologna sandwiches are hardly sustenance.

There are certainly logical arguments one could make to dissuade others from throwing a Molotov cocktail through a Starbucks window, the archetypal target of ski-masked donned young radicals, assassination attempts, and other property destruction, but to say it is meaningless is a bit overstated. If someone destroys a multinational corporation that has set up shop in my community, I think it communicates a pretty clear-cut message: “You’re not wanted here.” And they may think twice before they reopen, especially if the property is destroyed again, and again, and again. See what I’m getting at here?

With this said, conditions are sometimes so dire that, perhaps, the ones who decide to take it to the streets with a “By Any Means Necessary” attitude are exhibiting the courage that those of us who write are lacking. Is it legitimate to believe since the social revolution may never come that all insurrections are meaningless? I’m highly doubtful in this regard.

Particularly interesting is the phenomenon of the reluctance to support the destruction of property. Can you say commodity fetishism? This to me is analogous to the folks who proclaim that the anarchists during the Spanish Revolution were “authoritarian” because they expropriated Catholic churches. Really? How could a deistic rationalization of fascism get any more authoritarian? This was the Catholic Church’s role: to enable the fascist takeover of Spain. Next thing you know, we’ll be hearing calls from anarchists telling people to knock it off with the boss-napping, taking over factories, or participating in general strikes because it hinders the ruling class’ ability to make a buck.

Some of us are better at being pencil pushers, whilst some people flourish in the streets, with a willing courage to throw objects at cops and endure pepper spray. To say writing a paper or participating in a march is more effective than destroying property, or clashing with the police, is mysticism. Unequivocally we can say there is no evidence of this. Are their idiots who show up at such events that know absolutely nothing about the conflict at hand and merely want to break shit? Of course. But this reluctance to acknowledge that sometimes clashes with the State (yes-cops are the State) are necessary strikes me as bourgeois morality at its worst.

Of course a mass movement is important. But we need to acknowledge something: we’re fighting something just as virulent and ominous as the CNT/FAI in Spain, and as the Kronstadt sailors with the strikers in Petrograd in the USSR. Remember capitalism? Do we really believe our rhetoric, that it destroys the human spirit, demolishes our finite ecosystems, and leads to imperialist wars of aggression that are responsible for the death of millions of innocent people? This is the real violence, the brand of which your average Black Blocer could never hold a candle to.

Nonviolence is, of course, the most logical conclusion, and most human beings strive for it. Violence is stupid, the lowest common denominator of human interaction. But let us remember: capitalism doesn’t give a shit. Capitalism is violence, deceit, tumult, and hell. When will we acknowledge that working class resistance is always self-defense? This system and its all-too-willing bureaucrats will not be reformed away. How on earth do we plan on countering this without the kind of grassroots resistance that figures like Makhno and Durruti used when they were left without a choice? They did things that weren’t as sexy as community gardens and infoshops and feeding people in public space (all great things I might add): they created people’s militias, and armed the working class communities. They created communities of resistance.

If we’re pushed into a corner, which certainly the working class is, should those who break store windows and throw bricks and Molotov cocktails and endure the jail cells and pepper spray and night sticks be worried about alienating folks?

Spare a thought for anyone who has every made a mockery of the spectacle of the commodity by defacing private property, or taken the State head-on in the streets across the globe. Are they alienated? Yes. Is it merely thoughtless vandalism? I doubt this is always the case. Their courage is to be admired.

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